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Page "English modal verbs" ¶ 104
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The sambur buck, the jungle stag that is even more noble than the Scottish elk.
And if he is so scornful of the rights of states, why not advocate a different sort of constitution that he could more sincerely support??
Since the Supreme Court's decision of that year this is more doubtful ; ;
The long-settled areas of states like Virginia and South Carolina developed the ante-bellum culture to its richest flowering, and there the memory is more precious, and the consciousness of loss the greater.
And there is no section of the nation more ardent than the South in the cold war against Communism.
Whether a concept analogous to the principle of internal responsibility operates in a nation's external relations is less obvious and more difficult to establish.
But it is more than that.
While the pattern is uneven, some having gained more than others, nationalism has in fact served the Western peoples well.
But it is more than irony: one of the main reasons why nationalism is no longer a tenable concept is because it has spread throughout the planet.
Only one rule prevailed in my conversations with these men: The more highly placed they are -- that is, the more they know -- the more concerned they have become.
Only recently new `` holes '' were discovered in our safety measures, and a search is now on for more.
Isfahan became more of a legend than a place, and now it is for many people simply a name to which they attach their notions of old Persia and sometimes of the East.
On Fridays, the day when many Persians relax with poetry, talk, and a samovar, people do not, it is true, stream into Chehel Sotun -- a pavilion and garden built by Shah Abbas 2, in the seventeenth century -- but they do retire into hundreds of pavilions throughout the city and up the river valley, which are smaller, more humble copies of the former.
But more important, and the thing which the casual traveler and the blind sojourner often do not see, is that these places and activities are often the settings in which Persians exercise their extraordinary aesthetic sensibilities.
Poetry in Persian life is far more than a common ground on which -- in a society deeply fissured by antagonisms -- all may stand.
Nostalgic Yankee readers of Erskine Caldwell are today informed by proud Georgians that Tobacco Road is buried beneath a four-lane super highway, over which travel each day suburbanite businessmen more concerned with the Dow-Jones average than with the cotton crop.
Truman Capote is still reveling in Southern Gothicism, exaggerating the old Southern legends into something beautiful and grotesque, but as unreal as -- or even more unreal than -- yesterday.
The resulting picture might appear a maze of restless confusions and contradictions, but it is more true to life than a portrait of an artificially contrived order.
So great a man could not but understand, too, that the thing that moves men to sacrifice their lives is not the error of their thought, which their opponents see and attack, but the truth which the latter do not see -- any more than they see the error which mars the truth they themselves defend.
Even in domains where detailed and predictive understanding is still lacking, but where some explanations are possible, as with lightning and weather and earthquakes, the appropriate kind of human action has been more adequately indicated.
`` What is more true than anything else??

is and common
Before merging them into a common profile it is well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary.
This almost trivial example is nevertheless suggestive, for there are some elements in common between the antique fear that the days would get shorter and shorter and our present fear of war.
Harold Clurman is right to say that `` Waiting For Godot '' is a reflection ( he calls it a distorted reflection ) `` of the impasse and disarray of Europe's present politics, ethic, and common way of life ''.
However, it is important to trace the philosophy of the French Revolution to its sources to understand the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism and the influence of the latter on the former.
But it is the need to undertake these testaments that I would submit here as symptom of the common man's malaise.
As symptomatic of the common man's malaise, he is most significant: a liberal and a Catholic, elected by the skin of his teeth.
What is the common man's complaint??
But what a super-Herculean task it is to winnow anything of value from the mud-beplastered arguments used so freely, particularly since such common use is made of cliches and stereotypes, in themselves declarations of intellectual bankruptcy.
The men who speculate on these institutions have, for the most part, come to at least one common conclusion: that many of the great enterprises and associations around which our democracy is formed are in themselves autocratic in nature, and possessed of power which can be used to frustrate the citizen who is trying to assert his individuality in the modern world ''.
They all have this in common: the earth is situated near the center of the deferent.
But that one should superimpose all these charts, run a pin through the common point, and then scale each planetary deferent larger and smaller ( to keep the epicycles from ' bumping ' ), this is contrary to any intention Ptolemy ever expresses.
Now this concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and spiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations in a common defense effort.
A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared to assist in the development effort.
Conventional images of Jews have this in common with all perceptions of a configuration in which one feature is held constant: images can be both true and false.
If art is to release us from these postulated things ( things we must think symbolically about ) and bring us back to the ineffable beauty and richness of the aesthetic component of reality in its immediacy, it must sever its connection with these common sense entities ''.
In the wide range of experiences common to our earth-bound race none is more difficult to manage, more troublesome, and more enduring in its effects than the control of love and hate.
`` History has this in common with every other science: that the historian is not allowed to claim any single piece of knowledge, except where he can justify his claim by exhibiting to himself in the first place, and secondly to any one else who is both able and willing to follow his demonstration, the grounds upon which it is based.
To obey the moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to a neglected field.
British common sense is proverbial.

is and for
It is possible, although highly doubtful, that he killed none at all but merely let his reputation work for him by privately claiming every unsolved murder in the state.
( The best evidence is that he received a monthly wage of about $125, very good money in an era when top hands worked for $30 and found.
this is not so, for education offers all kinds of dividends, including how to pull the wool over a husband's eyes while you are having an affair with his wife.
`` What is the scaffolding for, Brassnose ''??
He speaks your language too, for he is the grandson of a chieftain on Taui who made much magic and was strong and cunning.
This is a paradise for hunters.
`` And if the dive goes OK he has the exclusive import rights to your line for this country, is that right ''??
There is nothing for you '', Matsuo said.
It is almost time for and calinda to begin ''.
I want the room in the attic prepared for him He is a most unusual lad, quite precocious in many ways.
-- liberal considers that the need for a national economy with controls that will assure his conception of social justice is so great that individual and local liberties as well as democratic processes may have to yield before it.
In fact it has caused us to give serious thought to moving our residence south, because it is not easy for the most objective Southerner to sit calmly by when his host is telling a roomful of people that the only way to deal with Southerners who oppose integration is to send in troops and shoot the bastards down.
but for this discussion the most important division is between those who have been reconstructed and those who haven't.
Had the situation been reversed, had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms to fight as allies of Britain.
Of greater importance, however, is the content of those programs, which have had and are having enormous consequences for the American people.
The general acceptance of the idea of governmental ( i.e., societal ) responsibility for the economic well-being of the American people is surely one of the two most significant watersheds in American constitutional history.
Reduced to its simplest terms, it is an assumption of a collective duty to compensate for the inability of individuals to cope with the rigors of the era.
National responsibility for individual welfare is a concept not limited to the United States or even to the Western nations.
For better or for worse, we all now live in welfare states, the organizing principle of which is collective responsibility for individual well-being.
( Since the time-span of the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate existence of the United States as an independent entity, it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the nation as representative of the highest form of order, something permanent and unchanging.
There is little time for the men in the command centers to reflect about the implications of these clocks.

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