That is particularly true of sovereignty when it is applied to democratic societies, in which `` popular '' sovereignty is said to exist, and in federal nations, in which the jobs of government are split.

it is particularly the artist ( Tonio Kroger, Aschenbach, Leverkuhn ) who suffers from it.

It is different with his volume The Swedes And Their Chieftains ( Svenskarna och deras Hovdingar ), a history intended for the general reader and particularly suited for high school students.

But what a super-Herculean task it is to winnow anything of value from the mud-beplastered arguments used so freely, particularly since such common use is made of cliches and stereotypes, in themselves declarations of intellectual bankruptcy.

And it is this, particularly the establishment of archaeology and place-name studies on a scientific basis, which are immediately pertinent to the Saxon Shore.

In light of the scholarly reappraisals engendered by the higher criticism this is a most remarkable statement, particularly coming from one who was well known for his antifundamentalist views.

The country about Cambridge is flat and not particularly spectacular in its scenery, though it offers easy going to the foot traveler.

While it is hazardous to project the trend of history, it seems clear that a genuine community is painfully emerging in the Western world, particularly among the countries of Western Europe.

But competent observers believe he is making progress, particularly toward what Sen. Jackson lists as the primary need -- `` a clearer understanding of where our vital national interests lie and what we must do to promote them ''.

The headline is offensive, particularly in view of the total inaccuracy of the editorial.

`` Argiento, this is senseless '', he complained, not liking to work on the wet floors, particularly in cold weather.

These are particularly suitable for regions where water or rock is close to the surface.

A second fundamental principle is that involved particularly in the present proceeding -- the difference between nighttime and daytime propagation conditions with respect to the standard broadcast frequencies.

This is particularly true in site selection.

But it is the wooden sculpture from Bali, the one representing two men with their heads bent backward and their bodies interlaced by a fish, that I particularly call to your attention.

This is particularly true of highly charged ions, especially those ions which fall into the class of polyelectrolytes.

It is quite likely that an even greater area was covered, particularly downwind.

There is some evidence that naturally occurring goitrogens may play a role in the development of goitre, particularly in Tasmania and Australia ( Clements and Wishart, 1956 ).

We pointed out that emotional excitement may lead to psychosomatic disorders and neurotic symptoms, particularly in certain types of personality, but it is also known that the reliving of a strong emotion ( `` abreaction '' ) may cure a battle neurosis.

There is some indication from a limited number of interviews with members of the population that the element of power, primarily the voluntary influence of non-authoritative power, has been exerted on actors in the system, particularly in regard to mate selection.

Confused and divided though this tradition may be, it is an important part of the social and cultural heritage of the group, and acts as a means of socialization, particularly for members of the rural community.

Poetry in Persian life is far more than a common ground on which -- in a society deeply fissured by antagonisms -- all may stand.

Before merging them into a common profile it is well to remember that their separate careers were extraordinary.

This almost trivial example is nevertheless suggestive, for there are some elements in common between the antique fear that the days would get shorter and shorter and our present fear of war.

Harold Clurman is right to say that `` Waiting For Godot '' is a reflection ( he calls it a distorted reflection ) `` of the impasse and disarray of Europe's present politics, ethic, and common way of life ''.

However, it is important to trace the philosophy of the French Revolution to its sources to understand the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism and the influence of the latter on the former.

But it is the need to undertake these testaments that I would submit here as symptom of the common man's malaise.

As symptomatic of the common man's malaise, he is most significant: a liberal and a Catholic, elected by the skin of his teeth.

What is the common man's complaint??

The men who speculate on these institutions have, for the most part, come to at least one common conclusion: that many of the great enterprises and associations around which our democracy is formed are in themselves autocratic in nature, and possessed of power which can be used to frustrate the citizen who is trying to assert his individuality in the modern world ''.

They all have this in common: the earth is situated near the center of the deferent.

But that one should superimpose all these charts, run a pin through the common point, and then scale each planetary deferent larger and smaller ( to keep the epicycles from ' bumping ' ), this is contrary to any intention Ptolemy ever expresses.

Now this concern for the freedom of other peoples is the intellectual and spiritual cement which has allied us with more than forty other nations in a common defense effort.

A common meeting ground is desirable for those nations which are prepared to assist in the development effort.

Conventional images of Jews have this in common with all perceptions of a configuration in which one feature is held constant: images can be both true and false.

If art is to release us from these postulated things ( things we must think symbolically about ) and bring us back to the ineffable beauty and richness of the aesthetic component of reality in its immediacy, it must sever its connection with these common sense entities ''.

In the wide range of experiences common to our earth-bound race none is more difficult to manage, more troublesome, and more enduring in its effects than the control of love and hate.

`` History has this in common with every other science: that the historian is not allowed to claim any single piece of knowledge, except where he can justify his claim by exhibiting to himself in the first place, and secondly to any one else who is both able and willing to follow his demonstration, the grounds upon which it is based.

To obey the moral law is just ordinary common sense, applied to a neglected field.

British common sense is proverbial.

Ratified in the Republican Party victory in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much social legislation there should be.

Recognizing that the Rule of Law is `` a dynamic concept which should be employed not only to safeguard the civil and political rights of the individual in a free society '', the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility `` to establish social, economic, educational and cultural conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realized ''.

) The concept of nationalism is the political principle that epitomizes and glorifies the territorial state as the characteristic type of socal structure.

Complementing the political principle of nationalism is the legal principle of sovereignty.

In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely a virus infection, the `` disease '', we shall find, is political, economical, social, and even medical.

Assuredly in our political campaigns there is freedom to think, to examine any and all issues, and to speak without restraint.

At the national and international level, then, what is the highest kind of morality for the private citizen represents an instance of political immorality.

But it is also the climax to one of the absorbing chapters in our current political history.

In the incessant struggle with recalcitrant political fact he learns to focus the essence of a problem in the significant detail, and to articulate the distinctions which clarify the detail as significant, with what is sometimes astounding rapidity.

To this end political authority is called upon to exercise its negative and coercive powers.

Steele's purpose is to present a general defense of his political writing and a resume of the themes which had occupied him in the Englishman ; ;

His point is simply that the Tories have showered him with personal satire, despite the fact that as a private subject he has a right to speak on political matters without affronting the prerogative of the Sovereign.

During moments of intense crisis the responsibility of political leaders is overwhelming.

Some historians have found his point of view not to their taste, others have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear `` contemptible rather than intelligible '', while a sympathetic critic has remarked that the `` intricate interplay of social dynamics and political activity of which, at times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is not a field for the exercise of his talents ''.

Britain in the nineteenth century is a textbook designed `` to give the sense of continuous growth, to show how economic led to social, and social to political change, how the political events reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated process ''.

In the field of political values, it is certainly true that students are not radical, not rebels against their parents or their peers.

That fact is very clearly illustrated in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and are now so extremely conservative ( or reactionary, as many would say ) that they can define no important political conviction that does not seem so far from even a centrist position as to make the distinction between Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev for them hardly worth noting.

But in ways more fundamental than specific political opinions they are still what they always were: passionate, sure without a shadow of doubt of whatever it is that they are sure of, capable of seeing black and white only and, therefore, committed to the logical extreme of whatever it is they are temporarily committed to.

When I first came across Samuel Johnson's pronouncement, `` the remedy for the ills of life is palliative rather than radical '', it seemed to me to sum up the profoundest of political and social truths.

This magnificent but greatly underestimated book, which bodies forth the very form and pressure of its time as no other comparable creation, has suffered severely from having been written about an historical event -- the Spanish Civil War -- that is still capable of fanning the smoldering fires of old political feuds.

The whole purpose of Man's Hope is to portray the tragic dialectic between means and ends inherent in all organized political violence -- and even when such violence is a necessary and legitimate self-defense of liberty, justice and human dignity.

and Vincent Berger learns that political ambition is more apt to hide than to reveal the truth about men.