* Panarchism. info – the full philosophy ( oldest site, " The Exterritorial Imperative ")

Panarchism has been embraced by some libertarians and socialists, including some of those promoting secession from existing states and those advocating creation of new micronations.

Ratified in the Republican Party victory in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much social legislation there should be.

Recognizing that the Rule of Law is `` a dynamic concept which should be employed not only to safeguard the civil and political rights of the individual in a free society '', the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility `` to establish social, economic, educational and cultural conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realized ''.

) The concept of nationalism is the political principle that epitomizes and glorifies the territorial state as the characteristic type of socal structure.

Complementing the political principle of nationalism is the legal principle of sovereignty.

In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely a virus infection, the `` disease '', we shall find, is political, economical, social, and even medical.

Assuredly in our political campaigns there is freedom to think, to examine any and all issues, and to speak without restraint.

At the national and international level, then, what is the highest kind of morality for the private citizen represents an instance of political immorality.

But it is also the climax to one of the absorbing chapters in our current political history.

In the incessant struggle with recalcitrant political fact he learns to focus the essence of a problem in the significant detail, and to articulate the distinctions which clarify the detail as significant, with what is sometimes astounding rapidity.

To this end political authority is called upon to exercise its negative and coercive powers.

Steele's purpose is to present a general defense of his political writing and a resume of the themes which had occupied him in the Englishman ; ;

His point is simply that the Tories have showered him with personal satire, despite the fact that as a private subject he has a right to speak on political matters without affronting the prerogative of the Sovereign.

During moments of intense crisis the responsibility of political leaders is overwhelming.

Some historians have found his point of view not to their taste, others have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear `` contemptible rather than intelligible '', while a sympathetic critic has remarked that the `` intricate interplay of social dynamics and political activity of which, at times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is not a field for the exercise of his talents ''.

Britain in the nineteenth century is a textbook designed `` to give the sense of continuous growth, to show how economic led to social, and social to political change, how the political events reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated process ''.

In the field of political values, it is certainly true that students are not radical, not rebels against their parents or their peers.

That fact is very clearly illustrated in the case of the many present-day intellectuals who were Communists or near-Communists in their youth and are now so extremely conservative ( or reactionary, as many would say ) that they can define no important political conviction that does not seem so far from even a centrist position as to make the distinction between Mr. Nixon and Mr. Khrushchev for them hardly worth noting.

But in ways more fundamental than specific political opinions they are still what they always were: passionate, sure without a shadow of doubt of whatever it is that they are sure of, capable of seeing black and white only and, therefore, committed to the logical extreme of whatever it is they are temporarily committed to.

When I first came across Samuel Johnson's pronouncement, `` the remedy for the ills of life is palliative rather than radical '', it seemed to me to sum up the profoundest of political and social truths.

This magnificent but greatly underestimated book, which bodies forth the very form and pressure of its time as no other comparable creation, has suffered severely from having been written about an historical event -- the Spanish Civil War -- that is still capable of fanning the smoldering fires of old political feuds.

The whole purpose of Man's Hope is to portray the tragic dialectic between means and ends inherent in all organized political violence -- and even when such violence is a necessary and legitimate self-defense of liberty, justice and human dignity.

and Vincent Berger learns that political ambition is more apt to hide than to reveal the truth about men.

The Bourbon economic philosophy, moreover, is not very different from that of Northern conservatives.

What is the history of criticism but the history of men attempting to make sense of the manifold elements in art that will not allow themselves to be reduced to a single philosophy or a single aesthetic theory??

However, it is important to trace the philosophy of the French Revolution to its sources to understand the common democratic origin of individualism and socialism and the influence of the latter on the former.

It is through such reflection that literature approaches philosophy.

Here we may observe that at least one modern philosophy of history is built on the assumption that ideas are the primary objectives of the historian's research.

No one can be as effective as the president in inspiring older men to welcome imaginative new teachers whose philosophy or approach to their specialties is quite different.

It is his relentlessness and unwaivering adherence to this revolutionary artistic philosophy that has enabled him to paint such pictures as `` The Invasion of Cuba ''.

A parallel function for philosophy is the study of the relation between perceptions experientially received and conceptions logically formed.

It is absurd to speak of philosophy as a superior enterprise to sociology, since the former is a logical, rational discipline, where sociology is essentially descriptive and empirical.

But contrary to Whitehead, philosophy is not a synonym for Plato.

The notion of philosophy as Queen Bee may fit well with authoritarian modes of political ideology, but it has been noted that the price of such an imperial notion of philosophy is the frustration and flagellation of the social sciences.

It is a commonplace that to the degree these special preserves of past philosophic hunting grounds establish an empirical content and suitable methodological criteria, they move away from philosophy as such.

What is left to traditional systems of philosophy is, in effect, only the history of these fields prior to their becoming rigorous enough to abide by the canons of scientific method.

In the new situation, philosophy is able to provide the social sciences with the same guidance that mathematics offers the physical sciences, a reservoir of logical relations that can be used in framing hypotheses having explanatory and predictive value.

) Whatever philosophy is conceived to be, its rationalist, logistic attitude to evidence should make it clear that it is something other than science.

Bergson and Leroy announce that `` the secret is the center of a philosophy '' and thereafter a hundred followers declare secrecy a higher verity.

In addition to the incompleteness of science and the completeness of metaphysics, they differ in that science is essentially descriptive, while philosophy in its inherited forms, tends to be goal-oriented, teleological and prescriptive.

Indicating the way in which he has turned his back on his 1910 philosophy, Mr. Reama said: `` A Socialist is a person who believes in dividing everything he does not own ''.

Yet, even after all these stratagems, the conscience of Christian liberality is still not laid to rest, any more than is the conscience of Harvard University for having done the abject penance for its rejection of Ralph Waldo Emerson's The Divinity School Address of naming its hall of philosophy after him.