A trade agreement was concluded on 18 August, and on 22 August, Ribbentrop flew to Moscow to conclude a formal non-aggression treaty.

During the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact negotiations, Ribbentrop was overjoyed by a report from his Ambassador in Moscow, Count Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, of a speech by the Soviet leader Joseph Stalin before the 18th Party Congress in March 1939 that was strongly anti-Western, which Schulenburg reported meant that the Soviet Union might be seeking an accord with Germany.

On 25 May 1939, Ribbentrop sent a secret message to Moscow to tell the Soviet Foreign Commissar, Vyacheslav Molotov, that if Germany attacked Poland " Russia's special interests would be taken into consideration ".

During his trip to Moscow, Ribbentrop's talks with Stalin and Molotov proceed very cordially and efficiently with the exception of the question of Latvia, which Hitler had instructed Ribbentrop to try to claim for Germany.

On 27 September 1939, Ribbentrop made a second visit to Moscow, where at meetings with the Soviet Foreign Commissar Vyacheslav Molotov and Joseph Stalin, he was forced to agree to revising the Secret Protocols of the Non-Aggression Pact in the Soviet Union's favour, most notably agreeing to Stalin's demand that Lithuania go to the Soviet Union.

The Treaty of Non-Aggression between Germany and the Soviet Union, also known as the Nazi – Soviet Pact and the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact ( after its chief architects, Soviet foreign minister Vyacheslav Molotov and German foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop ) was a non-aggression pact, signed in Moscow in the late hours of 23 August 1939, at the height of the Nomonhan fighting in the far east between the Soviet Union and the Empire of Japan.

On 22 August, one day after the talks broke down with France and Britain, Moscow revealed that Ribbentrop would visit Stalin the next day.

On 3 October, Friedrich Werner von der Schulenburg, German ambassador in Moscow, informed Joachim Ribbentrop that the Soviet government was willing to cede the city of Vilnius and its environs.

Whereas people like Arthur Koestler left the Party after seeing the friendly reception of Nazi foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop in Moscow during the years of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact ( 1939-1941 ), Hobsbawm stood firm even after the Soviet invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia, though he was against them both.

In late August 1939 ( a week before the invasion of Poland and the start of World War II ) Hitler sent his foreign minister Joachim von Ribbentrop to Moscow to arrange a pact of non aggression with the Soviet Union.

On August 23, 1939, a German delegation headed by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop arrived to Moscow, and in the following night the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was signed by him and his Soviet colleague Vyacheslav Molotov, in the presence of Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.

Molotov, Stalin and Ribbentrop signing the German – Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty, Moscow, September 1939

On September 28, 1939 in Moscow Molotov and Ribbentrop signed the German-Soviet Boundary and Friendship Treaty, determining the boundary of their respective national interests in the territory of the former Polish state.

Ribbentrop made for Moscow, where, as both Orwell and Koestler noted, swastikas adorned the airport of the capital of the homeland of socialism.

In anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact, tensions were rising between the Baltics and Moscow.

Initially, Ribbentrop planned to emigrate to German East Africa, where he hoped to become a planter.

In November 1934, Ribbentrop visited Britain where he met with George Bernard Shaw, Sir Austen Chamberlain, Lord Cecil, and Lord Lothian.

In March 1937, Ribbentrop attracted much adverse comment in the British press when he gave a speech at the Leipzig Trade Fair in Leipzig, where he declared that German economic prosperity would be satisfied either " through the restoration of the former German colonial possessions, or by means of the German people's own strength ".

On 10 March 1940, Ribbentrop visited Rome where he met Mussolini, who promised him that Italy would soon enter the war.

An area where Ribbentrop enjoyed more success arose in September 1940, when he had the Far Eastern agent of the Dienststelle Ribbentrop, Dr. Heinrich Georg Stahmer, start negotiations with the Japanese foreign minister, Yōsuke Matsuoka, for an anti-American alliance ( the German Ambassador to Japan, General Eugen Ott, was excluded from the talks on Ribbentrop's orders ).

Ribbentrop presented a proposal to Molotov where after the defeat of Britain, the Soviet Union would have India and the Middle East, Italy the Mediterranean area, Japan the British possessions in the Far East ( presuming of course that Japan would enter the war ), and Germany would take Central Africa and Britain itself.

In pursuit of his Iraq project, Ribbentrop strongly pushed for German aid to the Rashid Ali al-Gaylani government in Iraq, where he saw a great opportunity for striking a blow at British influence in the Middle East.

Ribbentrop is also a key figure in the historical novel Famous Last Words by Timothy Findley ( Penguin Books 1982, ISBN 0-14-006268-8 ) and Harry Turtledove's alternate history series Worldwar where his Soviet counterpart Molotov frequently expresses contempt for his lack of intelligence.

Minehead was the subject of a parody skit as the fictional target of a takeover in Monty Python's infamous " Mr. Hilter " sketch, where barely concealed caricatures of Hitler, von Ribbentrop and Heinrich Himmler conspire at a local rooming house.

Upon the invasion of Russia, SS-Kampfgruppe Nord was sent to Finland where Ribbentrop was to distinguish himself and was awarded the Finnish Freedom Cross, fourth class.

Then, on August 3, German Foreign Minister Joachim Ribbentrop outlined a plan where the countries would agree to nonintervention in the others ' affairs and would renounce measures aimed at the others ' vital interests and that " there was no problem between the Baltic and the Black Sea that could not be solved between the two of us.

The two arbiters, Ribbentrop and Ciano, continued their conversations with the delegates at lunch and then retired to a separate room, where they argued over a map.

The Ryti – Ribbentrop letter of agreement () of June 26, 1944 was a personal letter from President Risto Ryti to Führer Adolf Hitler where Risto Ryti, then President of Finland, undertook not to reach a separate peace in the war with the Soviet Union without the approval from Nazi Germany to secure German military aid to stop Soviet offensive.

He would eventually join the Hitler Youth where he became a close friend of Joachim von Ribbentrop.

In Berlin he attended numerous functions, including a grand dinner for the British contingent hosted by Joachim von Ribbentrop, the German ambassador to Britain and later Foreign Minister, where he was introduced to Hitler and other leading members of the National Socialist government.

: The German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop visits Paris, where he is allegedly informed by the French Foreign Minister Georges Bonnet that France now recognizes all of Eastern Europe as Germany ’ s exclusive sphere of influence.

After the German invasion, the occupation of Athens and the fall of Crete, King George II and his government escaped to Egypt, where they proclaimed a government-in-exile, recognised by the Western Allies, but not yet by the Soviet Union, which was temporarily friendly to Nazi Germany after the signature of the Molotov – Ribbentrop Pact.

I had to console them with feeble excuses such as that His Excellency was not very well, or engaged in an urgent state call to Berlin ... For the rest of the morning he listened to reports from members of the Embassy staff, unless I had to accompany him to the Foreign Office ... When Ribbentrop strutted through the Office corridors like a peacock, his head thrown back, it was a miracle that he did not fall over.

In February 1937, Ribbentrop committed a notable social gaffe by unexpectedly greeting King George VI with a stiff-armed Nazi salute: the gesture nearly knocked over the King, who was walking forward to shake Ribbentrop's hand.

Believing himself to be in a state of disgrace with Hitler over his failure to achieve the British alliance, Ribbentrop spent December 1937 in a state of depression, and together with his wife, wrote two lengthy documents for Hitler denouncing Britain.

Besides converting the Anti-Comintern Pact into an anti-British military alliance, Ribbentrop argued that German foreign policy should work to " furthermore, winning over all states whose interests conform directly or indirectly to ours ".

During all this time, Ribbentrop feuded with various other Nazi leaders ; at one point in August 1939 an armed clash took place between supporters of Ribbentrop and those of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels over the control of a radio station in Berlin that was meant to broadcast German propaganda abroad ( Goebbels claimed exclusive control of all propaganda both at home and abroad whereas Ribbentrop asserted a claim to monopolize all German propaganda abroad ).

In a moment of pique at his exclusion from the Chamberlain-Hitler meeting, Ribbentrop refused to hand over to Chamberlain Schmidt's notes of the summit, a move which caused much annoyance on the British side.

On 20 March 1939, Ribbentrop summoned the Lithuanian Foreign Minister Juozas Urbšys to Berlin and informed him that if a Lithuanian plenipotentiary did not arrive at once to negotiate turning over the Memelland to Germany the Luftwaffe would raze Kaunas to the ground.

Instead of focusing on talking to the Turks, Ribbentrop and Papen became entangled in a feud over Papen's demand that he by-pass Ribbentrop and send his dispatches straight to Hitler.

At the same time, Ribbentrop took to shouting at the Turkish Ambassador in Berlin, Mehemet Hamdi Arpag, as part of the effort to win Turkey over as a German ally.

At the same time, Ribbentrop's efforts to convert the Anti-Comintern Pact into an anti-British alliance met with considerable hostility from the Japanese over the course of the winter of 1938 – 39, but with the Italians Ribbentrop enjoyed some apparent success.

In this, Ribbentrop was particularly supported by the German Ambassador in London, Herbert von Dirksen, who reported that Chamberlain knew " the social structure of Britain, even the conception of the British Empire, would not survive the chaos of even a victorious war ", and so would back down over Poland.

Ribbentrop was enraged by Abetz's expulsion, and attacked Count Johannes von Welczeck, the German Ambassador in Paris, over his failure to have the French re-admit Abetz.

In July 1939, Ribbentrop's claims about Bonnet's alleged statement of December 1938 were to lead to a lengthy war of words via a series of letters to the French newspapers between Bonnet and Ribbentrop over just what precisely Bonnet had said to Ribbentrop.

Ribbentrop treated the ensuring complaints by the Vichy French government over the expulsions in a " most dilatory fashion ".

As Hitler was displeased with Ribbentrop over his opposition to attacking Yugoslavia, he then broke down and took to his bed for the next couple of days.

An appointment was made for 4 amVon Ribbentrop is nervous, walking up and down from one end of his large office to the other, like a caged animal, while saying over and over, " The Führer is absolutely right.

As his influence declined, Ribbentrop increasingly spent his time feuding with other Nazi leaders over control of anti-Semitic policies to curry Hitler's favour.

" Nuremberg Prison Commandant Burton C. Andrus later recalled that immediately before the hood was placed over his head, Ribbentrop, who had experienced a late conversion to Christianity while imprisoned at Nuremberg, turned to the prison's Lutheran chaplain and whispered, " I'll see you again.