* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism 1862 – 1890 " Past and Present, No. 48, August 1970. pages 119 – 155 online edition

* 1931 – Hans-Ulrich Wehler, German historian

*" Pity for this Man is Out of Place " by Hans-Ulrich Wehler

The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism as " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.

In the 1970s, the conservative German historian Andreas Hillgruber, together with his close associate Klaus Hildebrand, was involved in a very acrimonious debate with the leftish German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler over the merits of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (" primacy of foreign politics ") and Primat der Innenpolitik (" primacy of domestic politics ") schools.

In the course of the 1960s, however, some German historians ( notably Hans-Ulrich Wehler and his cohort ) began to rebel against this idea, instead suggesting a " Primacy of Domestic Politics " ( Primat der Innenpolitik ), in which the insecurities of ( in this case German ) domestic policy drove the creation of foreign policy.

Modernization theory was presented by Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( 1931-) and his Bielefeld School as the way to transform " traditional " German history, that is, national political history, centered on a few " great men ," into an integrated and comparative history of German society encompassing societal structures outside politics.

* Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( b. 1931 ), 19th century Germany, Bielefeld School

The German Empire was, for Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a strange mixture of highly successful capitalist, industrialization and socio-economic modernization on the one hand, and of surviving pre-industrial institutions, power relations and traditional cultures on the other.

Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a leader of the Bielefeld School of social history, places the origins of Germany's path to disaster in the 1860s-1870s, when economic modernization took place, but political modernization did not happen and the old Prussian rural elite remained in firm control of the army, diplomacy and the civil service.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism 1862-1890 ," Past & Present, ( 1970 ) 48: 119-55 online

The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich Bismarck und der Imperialismus, Colonge: Kipenheur und Witsch, 1969.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism " pages 119-115 from Past and Present, Volume 48, 1970.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Industrial Growth and Early German Imperialism " from Studies in the Theory of Imperialism edited by Roger Owen and Bob Sutcliffe, London: Longman, 1972.

In a 2008 interview, Kershaw lists as his major intellectual influences Martin Broszat, Hans Mommsen, Alan Milward, Timothy Mason, Hans-Ulrich Wehler, William Carr and Jeremy Noakes.

In his 2000 edition of The Nazi Dictatorship, Kershaw quoted with approval the dismissive remarks made by the German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler in 1980 about such theories.

** The West German historians Klaus Hildebrand, Gerhard Ritter, and Andreas Hillgruber rejected the Sonderweg view, while the British historian A. J. P. Taylor and the West German historians Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Wolfgang Mommsen, Hans Mommsen and Fritz Fischer supported it.

On one side of the argument were the philosopher Jürgen Habermas, and the historians Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Jürgen Kocka, Hans Mommsen, Martin Broszat, Heinrich August Winkler, Eberhard Jäckel, and Wolfgang Mommsen.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich.

The faculty of history launched the " Bielefeld School " of Social History under Hans-Ulrich Wehler, while the Laborschule and Center for Interdisciplinary Research ( ZiF ) are projects of the faculty of educational science.

Some Reactions to H-U Wehler ’ s “ Das Deutsch Kaiserreich ”” pages 423-450 from German Studies Review, Volume 7, #.

Wehler taught at the University of Cologne ( 1968 – 70 ), at the Free University of Berlin ( 1970 – 71 ) and at Bielefeld University ( 1971 – 96 ).

Wehler has advocated an approach he calls Historische Sozialwissenschaft ( Historical Social Science ), which favors integrating elements of history, sociology, economics and anthropology to study in a holistic fashion long-term social changes in a society In Wehler's view, Germany between 1871 – 1945 was dominated by a social structure which retarded modernization in some areas while allowing it in others.

In 2000, Wehler became the eighth German historian to be inducted as an honorary member of the American Historical Association.

* Dorpalen, Andreas " Gerhard Ritter " from Deutsche Historiker, edited by Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973.

* Schulin, Ernst " Friedrich Meinecke " from Deutsche Historiker, edited by Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971.

The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.

In the 1970s and early 1980s German historians of society, led by Wehler and Jürgen Kocka at the " Bielefeld school " gained dominance in Germany by applying both modernization theories and social science methods.

The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.

A history book on Imperial Germany by Hans-Ulrich Wehler published in 1973 holds that as a result of Fischer's theories, " two opposing schools of thought " have formed.

Modernization theory was presented by Wehler and the Bielefeld School as the way to transform " traditional " German history, that is, national political history, centered on a few " great men ," into an integrated and comparative history of German society encompassing societal structures outside politics.

Wehler has been especially critical of what calls Otto von Bismarck's strategy of “ negative integration ” by which Bismarck sought to create a sense of Deutschtum ( Germanism ) and consolidate his power by subjecting various minority groups such as Roman Catholics, Alsatians, Poles, and Social Democrats to discriminatory laws.

This (" primacy of domestic politics ") argument to explain foreign policy, for which Wehler owes much to the work of Eckart Kehr, places him against the traditional (" primacy of foreign politics ") thesis championed by historians such as Gerhard Ritter, Klaus Hildebrand, Andreas Hillgruber, and Ludwig Dehio.

Wehler is an advocate of the concept of social imperialism, which he has defined as " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems to the benefit of preserving the existing social and political order Wehler argued that the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and maintain popular support for the social status quo He further argued that German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, followed by the " Tirpitz plan " to expand the German Navy from 1897 onwards According to this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as government instruments for mobilizing public support The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism

Wehler, who favored the Primat der Innenpolitik approach, for his part contended that diplomatic history should be treated as a sub-branch of social history, calling for theoretically-based research, and argued that the real focus should be on the study of the society in question.

Wehler drew upon the modernization theory of Max Weber, with concepts also from Karl Marx, Otto Hintze, Gustav Schmoller, Werner Sombart and Thorstein Veblen.

Wehler ‎ argues that it produced a high degree of internal tension, which led on the one hand to the suppression of socialists, Catholics, and reformers, and on the other hand to a highly aggressive foreign policy.

The first is that Wehler credits leaders such as Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz and Prince Bernhard von Bülow with a greater degree of vision then what they in fact possessed The second is that many of the pressure groups on the right who advocated an imperialist policy for Germany were not the creations of the government, and in fact often demanded far more aggressive policies then what the government was willing to undertake The third was that many of these imperialist lobbying groups demanded a policy of political and social reform at home, in addition to imperialism abroad Eley argued that what is required in thinking about social imperialism is a broader picture with an interaction from above and below, and a wider view of the relationship between imperialism abroad and domestic politics.

* December 18 – Hans-Ulrich Rudel, German World War II dive bomber pilot ( b. 1916 )

* September 23 – Hans-Ulrich Rudel single-handedly sinks the Soviet battleship Marat flying a Junkers Ju 87 dive bomber.

* RUDEL, Hans-Ulrich ( 1916 – 1982 ) Luftwaffe ace then Deutsche Reichspartei politician.

* Major in the General Staff Hans-Ulrich von Oertzen ( 1915 – 1944 ), member of the Wehrmacht conspiracy to overthrow Adolf Hitler and participant in the unsuccessful July 20 plot in 1944.