In the 1970s and early 1980s German historians of society, led by Wehler and Jürgen Kocka at the " Bielefeld school " gained dominance in Germany by applying both modernization theories and social science methods.

On one side of the argument were the philosopher Jürgen Habermas, and the historians Hans-Ulrich Wehler, Jürgen Kocka, Hans Mommsen, Martin Broszat, Heinrich August Winkler, Eberhard Jäckel, and Wolfgang Mommsen.

This infuriated many ( mainly left wing ) intellectuals, among them Wehler and the philosopher Jürgen Habermas.

Besides Nolte, Wehler also attacked the work of Michael Stürmer as " a strident declaration of war against a key element of the consensus upon which the socio-political life of this second republic has rested heretofore " During the Historikerstreit, Wehler was one of the few historians who endorsed Jürgen Habermas's method of attacking Andreas Hillgruber by creating a sentence about " tested senior officials in Nazi Party in the East " out of a long sentence in which Hillgruber had said no such thing on the grounds that it was a secondary issue of no real importance.

Modernization theory was presented by Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( 1931-) and his Bielefeld School as the way to transform " traditional " German history, that is, national political history, centered on a few " great men ," into an integrated and comparative history of German society encompassing societal structures outside politics.

* Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( b. 1931 ), 19th century Germany, Bielefeld School

Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a leader of the Bielefeld School of social history, places the origins of Germany's path to disaster in the 1860s-1870s, when economic modernization took place, but political modernization did not happen and the old Prussian rural elite remained in firm control of the army, diplomacy and the civil service.

The faculty of history launched the " Bielefeld School " of Social History under Hans-Ulrich Wehler, while the Laborschule and Center for Interdisciplinary Research ( ZiF ) are projects of the faculty of educational science.

Hans-Ulrich Wehler ( born September 11, 1931 in Freudenberg, Westphalia ) is a German historian known for his role in promoting social history through the " Bielefeld School ", and for his critical studies of 19th century Germany.

Wehler taught at the University of Cologne ( 1968 – 70 ), at the Free University of Berlin ( 1970 – 71 ) and at Bielefeld University ( 1971 – 96 ).

Wehler is a leader of the so-called Bielefeld School, a group of historians who use the methods of the social sciences to analyze history.

Modernization theory was presented by Wehler and the Bielefeld School as the way to transform " traditional " German history, that is, national political history, centered on a few " great men ," into an integrated and comparative history of German society encompassing societal structures outside politics.

History as " historical social science " ( as Wehler described it ) has been explored mainly in the context of studies of German society in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Wehler is one of the foremost advocates of the “ Berlin War Party ” historical school, which assigns the sole and exclusive responsibility for World War I to the German government.

: A Polemical Essay about the ' Historikerstreit ), in which Wehler criticized every aspect of Nolte's views, and in which Wehler called the Historikerstreit a " political struggle " for the historical understanding of the German past between " a cartel devoted to repressing and excusing " the memory of the Nazi years, of which Nolte was the chief member, against " the representatives of a liberal-democratic politics, of an enlightened, self-critical position, of a rationality which is critical of ideology ".

From the Left, Wehler has been criticized by two British Marxist historians, David Blackbourn and Geoff Eley who in their 1980 book Mythen deutscher Geschichtsschreibung ( translated into English in 1984 as The Peculiarities of German History ) rejected the entire concept of the Sonderweg as a flawed construct supported by a " a curious mixture of idealistic analysis and vulgar materialism " that led to an " exaggerated linear continuity between the nineteenth century and the 1930s ".

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism 1862 – 1890 " Past and Present, No. 48, August 1970. pages 119 – 155 online edition

The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism as " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.

The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.

In the 1970s, the conservative German historian Andreas Hillgruber, together with his close associate Klaus Hildebrand, was involved in a very acrimonious debate with the leftish German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler over the merits of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (" primacy of foreign politics ") and Primat der Innenpolitik (" primacy of domestic politics ") schools.

Wehler, who favored the Primat der Innenpolitik approach, for his part contended that diplomatic history should be treated as a sub-branch of social history, calling for theoretically-based research, and argued that the real focus should be on the study of the society in question.

In the course of the 1960s, however, some German historians ( notably Hans-Ulrich Wehler and his cohort ) began to rebel against this idea, instead suggesting a " Primacy of Domestic Politics " ( Primat der Innenpolitik ), in which the insecurities of ( in this case German ) domestic policy drove the creation of foreign policy.

Wehler drew upon the modernization theory of Max Weber, with concepts also from Karl Marx, Otto Hintze, Gustav Schmoller, Werner Sombart and Thorstein Veblen.

The German Empire was, for Hans-Ulrich Wehler, a strange mixture of highly successful capitalist, industrialization and socio-economic modernization on the one hand, and of surviving pre-industrial institutions, power relations and traditional cultures on the other.

Wehler ‎ argues that it produced a high degree of internal tension, which led on the one hand to the suppression of socialists, Catholics, and reformers, and on the other hand to a highly aggressive foreign policy.

The left-wing German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler has defined social imperialism " the diversions outwards of internal tensions and forces of change in order to preserve the social and political status quo ", and as a " defensive ideology " to counter the " disruptive effects of industrialization on the social and economic structure of Germany " In Wehler's opinion, social imperialism was a device that allowed the German government to distract public attention from domestic problems and preserve the existing social and political order Wehler argued the dominant elites used social imperialism as the glue to hold together a fractured society and to maintain popular support for the social status quo Wehler argued German colonial policy in the 1880s was the first example of social imperialism in action, and was followed up by the " Tirpitz plan " for expanding the German Navy starting in 1897 In this point of view, groups such as the Colonial Society and the Navy League are seen as instruments for the government to mobilize public support.

The demands for annexing most of Europe and Africa in World War I are seen by Wehler as the pinnacle of social imperialism.

The first is that Wehler credits leaders such as Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz and Prince Bernhard von Bülow with a greater degree of vision then what they in fact possessed The second is that many of the pressure groups on the right who advocated an imperialist policy for Germany were not the creations of the government, and in fact often demanded far more aggressive policies then what the government was willing to undertake The third was that many of these imperialist lobbying groups demanded a policy of political and social reform at home, in addition to imperialism abroad Eley argued that what is required in thinking about social imperialism is a broader picture with an interaction from above and below, and a wider view of the relationship between imperialism abroad and domestic politics.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich Bismarck und der Imperialismus, Colonge: Kipenheur und Witsch, 1969.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Bismarck's Imperialism " pages 119-115 from Past and Present, Volume 48, 1970.

* Wehler, Hans-Ulrich " Industrial Growth and Early German Imperialism " from Studies in the Theory of Imperialism edited by Roger Owen and Bob Sutcliffe, London: Longman, 1972.

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