Discourse according to Foucault ( 1977, 1980, 2003 ) is related to power as it operates by rules of exclusion.

* In 1977, he was among the intellectuals, with Foucault and Althusser, who signed the petition against age of consent laws.

The widespread adoption of these authorization-based security strategies ( where the default state is DEFAULT = DENY ) for counterterrorism, anti-fraud, and other purposes is helping accelerate the ongoing transformation of modern societies from a notional Beccarian model of criminal justice based on accountability for deviant actions after they occur, see Cesare Beccaria, On Crimes and Punishment ( 1764 ), to a Foucauldian model based on authorization, preemption, and general social compliance through ubiquitous preventative surveillance and control through system constraints, see Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish ( 1975, Alan Sheridan, tr., 1977, 1995 ).

* Foucault, Michel ( 1977 ).

There were “ foundational works underlying and facilitating the turn to cultural forms of analysis ;” they were: Hayden White ’ s Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe ( 1973 ), Clifford Geertz ’ s The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays ( 1973 ), Michel Foucault ’ s Discipline and Punish ( 1977 ), and Pierre Bourdieu ’ s Outline of a Theory of Practice ( 1977 ).

Governmentality is a concept first developed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault in the later years of his life, roughly between 1977 and his death in 1984, particularly in his lectures at the Collège de France during this time.

In 1977, British psychiatrist David Cooper asked Michel Foucault the same question which Claude Bourdet had formerly asked Viktor Fainberg during a press conference given by Fainberg and Plyushch: when the USSR has the whole penitentiary and police apparatus, which could take charge of anybody, and which is perfect in itself, why do they use psychiatry?

Three of his lovers occupied an important place in his life and work: Thierry Jouno, director of an institute for the blind whom he met in 1976, and which led to his novel Des aveugles ; Michel Foucault, whom he met in 1977 ; and Vincent M., a teenager of fifteen who inspired his novel Fou de Vincent.

* Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish ( 1977 )

* Michel Foucault, Rio de Janeiro, Zahar, 1977.

Coining the phrases power-knowledge Foucault ( 1980 ) stated knowledge was both the creator of power and creation of power.

In his lecture series from 1979 to 1980 Foucault extended his analysis of government to its ' wider sense of techniques and procedures designed to direct the behaviour of men ', which involved a new consideration of the ' examination of conscience ' and confession in early Christian literature.

In his lecture series from 1979 to 1980 Foucault extended his analysis of government to its " wider sense of techniques and procedures designed to direct the behaviour of men ", which involved a new consideration of the " examination of conscience " and confession in early Christian literature.

Since the 1950s, when Lacan and Foucault argued that each epoch has its own knowledge system, which individuals are inexorably entangled with, many post-structuralists have used historicism to describe the view that all questions must be settled within the cultural and social context in which they are raised.

Following Nietzsche, Foucault argued that knowledge is produced through the operations of power, and changes fundamentally in different historical periods.

Using ideas about power and subjectification first broached by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish, and the linguistic theories of J. L. Austin, Butler argued that sex was an effect rather than the cause of social gender difference, and that the fiction of a stable core gender identity was maintained through socially coerced performances of gender.

Twentieth-century French philosopher Michel Foucault argued that the Panopticon was paradigmatic of several 19th-century " disciplinary " institutions.

The subsequent modern experience, Foucault argued, began at the end of the 18th century with the creation of places devoted solely to the care of the mad under the supervision of medical doctors.

Foucault argued that the approach simply meant that patients were ignored and verbally isolated, and were worse off than before.

Modern punishment, Foucault argued, was concerned with guaranteeing the return of the criminal to the criminal justice system not as an exile, as in previous cases, but as a product of both economic and scientific ' rationality ' being punished better means making punishment a ' scientific system '.

Foucault argued that the procedures and technology for the control of the plague established around 1700 became a template for a more general form of social control.

Here ’ s an important distinction: punishment was inflicted on people who had been shown to break the law ; at least you had to have proof the law was broken. But, Foucault argued, why have proof? This was a ploy Foucault considered, proof was far more rigorous and exact in its approach because some form of finality had to be reached, a consensus, of return or recycling of punishment inflicted on those who had very little choice which was a transition from torture and straightforward execution by contrast, panopticism was a form of social control ( and power ) that is inflicted on everyone.

Foucault argued that the social sciences emerged as part of the package of panoptic, controlling devices that gave birth to disciplinary society.

Foucault argued that the social sciences are implicated in this process: they contribute to panopticism.

Michel Foucault, for example, argued that attitudes towards the " insane " during the late-18th and early 19th centuries show that supposedly enlightened notions of humane treatment were not universally adhered to, but instead, that the Age of Reason had to construct an image of " Unreason " against which to take an opposing stand.

Michel Foucault has argued that homosexual and heterosexual identities didn't emerge until the 19th century ; before that time terms described practices and not identity.

Scholars such as Michel Foucault, the Frankfurt School and other postmodernists have argued that the process of othering has everything to do with knowledge, and power acting through knowledge to achieve a particular political agenda in its goal of domination.

Foucault has argued that this process can generally arise when a minority perspective is at variance with dominant social norms and beliefs.

Following in the tradition of Michel Foucault, scholars such as Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick and David Halperin have argued that various Victorian public discourses, notably the psychiatric and the legal, fostered a designation or invention of the " homosexual " as a distinct category of individuals, a category solidified by the publications of sexologists such as Richard von Krafft-Ebing ( 1840 – 1902 ) and Havelock Ellis ( 1859 – 1939 ), sexologists who provided an almost-pathological interpretation of the phenomenon in rather Essentialist terms, an interpretation that led, before 1910, to hundreds of articles on the subject in The Netherlands, Germany, and elsewhere.

Historian Michel Foucault has argued that homosexual and heterosexual identities didn't emerge until the 19th century ; before that time terms described practices and not identity.

Michel Foucault provides a potent critique in his archaeology of the human sciences, though Habermas and Richard Rorty have both argued that Foucault merely replaces one such system of thought with another.

Similarly, Foucault argued that invisible forms of discipline oppressed individuals on a broad societal scale, encouraging them to censor aspects of themselves and their actions.

In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight.

Following an interpretation of power similar to that of Machiavelli, Foucault defines power as immaterial, as a " certain type of relation between individuals " that has to do with complex strategic social positions that relate to the subject's ability to control its environment and influence those around itself.

According to Foucault, power is intimately tied with his conception of truth.

Political freedom has also been theorized in its opposition to ( and a condition of ) " power relations ", or the power of " action upon actions ," by Michel Foucault.

According to Foucault, it is the " effect " of power and " disciplines " ( See Discipline and Punish: construction of the subject as student, soldier, " criminal ", etc.

* Michel Foucault: Critiqued the modern conception of power on the basis of the prison complex and other prohibitive institutions, such as those that designate sexuality, madness and knowledge as the roots of their infrastructure, a critique which then demonstrated that subjection is the power formation of subjects in any linguistic forum and that revolution cannot just be thought as the reversal of power between classes.

Foucault was known for his controversial aphorisms, such as " language is oppression ", meaning that language functions in such a way as to render nonsensical, false or silent tendencies that might otherwise threaten or undermine the distributions of power backing a society's conventions-even when such distributions purport to celebrate liberation and expression or value minority groups and perspectives.

Western philosopher Michel Foucault, claimed that as sexual subjects, humans are the object of power, which is not an institution or structure, rather it is a signifier or name attributed to " complex strategical situation ".

" Foucault traces the role of discourses in wider social processes of legitimating and power, emphasizing the construction of current truths, how they are maintained and what power relations they carry with them .” Foucault later theorized that discourse is a medium through which power relations produce speaking subjects.

Foucault further stated that power is always present and can both produce and constrain the truth.