The historian did however struck a chord with Stere, who had been made prefect of Iaşi County, and who, going against his party's wishes, inaugurated an informal collaboration between Iorga and the Poporanists.

It was however open to members of the Saxon community, and Iorga himself created a new government position for ethnic minority affairs.

The conservative Iorga was however inclined to sympathize with other forms of totalitarianism or corporatism, and, since the 1920s, viewed Italian Fascism with some respect.

Panaitescu was however more categorical than Iorga in affirming that Michael the Brave's expeditions were motivated by political opportunism rather than by a pan-Romanian national awareness.

Overall, however, Iorga as poet has enlisted negative characterizations, being described by Simuţ as " uninteresting and obsolete ".

Iorga was also introduced to the private circle of Romania's young King, Ferdinand I, whom he found well-intentioned but weak-willed.

Iorga found himself in Kogălniceanu's conservative statement, " civilization stops when revolutions begin ", being especially critical of communist revolution.

Iorga found the small Romanian Communist Party an amusement and, even though he expressed alarm for its terrorist tendencies and its " foreign " nature, disliked the state's use of brutal methods against its members.

Reflecting back on the transition, Iorga himself stated: " The love for the past, for great figures of energy and sincerity, [...] the exact contrary of tendencies I had found existed among my contemporaries, had gripped me and, added to my political preoccupations, such awakenings served me, when it came to criticizing things present, more than any argument that is abstract, logical in nature.

Through the Thracians and the Illyrians, Iorga believed to have found a common root for all Balkan peoples, and an ethnic layer which he believed was still observable after later conquests.

As cultural historian, Iorga found a follower in N. Cartojan, while his thoughts on the characteristics of Romanianness inspired the social psychology of Dimitrie Drăghicescu.

Holding teaching positions at the University of Bucharest, the University of Paris and several other academic institutions, Iorga was founder of the International Congress of Byzantine Studies and the Institute of South-East European Studies ( ISSEE ).

A month later, Iorga greeted in Bucharest the English scholar R. W.

The conditions were judged humiliating by Iorga (" Our ancestors would have preferred death "); he refused to regain his University of Bucharest chair.

Iorga only returned to Bucharest as Romania resumed its contacts with the Allies and the Deutsches Heer left the country.

In Bucharest, Iorga received as a gift from his admirers a new Bucharest home on Bonaparte Highway ( Iancu de Hunedoara Boulevard ).

In addition to his Bucharest Faculty of History chair, Iorga also took over the History of Literature course hosted by the same institution ( 1928 ).

His premiership also evidenced the growing tensions between the PND in Bucharest and its former allies in Transylvania: Iorga arrived to power after rumors of a PNŢ " Transylvanian conspiracy ", and his cabinet included no Romanian Transylvanian politicians.

Also in 1935, Iorga and his daughter Liliana co-authored a Bucharest guide book.

Early in 1936, Nicolae Iorga was again lecturing at the University of Paris, and gave an additional conference at the Société des études historiques, before hosting the Bucharest session of the International Committee of Historians.

Such worries were notably expressed by Iorga in a series of Bucharest Radio broadcasts, Sfaturi pe întuneric (" Advice at Dark ", soon after published in brochure format ).

Nicolae Iorga was officially honored in 1937, when Carol II inaugurated a Bucharest Museum of World History, placed under the ISSEE director's presidency.

Steadily publishing new volumes of Istoria românilor, he also completed work on several other books: in 1938, Întru apărarea graniţei de Apus (" For the Defense of the Western Frontier "), Cugetare şi faptă germană (" German Thought and Action "), Hotare şi spaţii naţionale (" National Borders and Spaces "); in 1939 Istoria Bucureştilor (" History of Bucharest "), Discursuri parlamentare (" Parliamentary Addresses "), Istoria universală văzută prin literatură (" World History as Seen through Literature "), Naţionalişti şi frontiere (" Nationalists and Frontiers "), Stări sufleteşti şi războaie (" Spiritual States and Wars "), Toate poeziile lui N. Iorga (" N. Iorga's Complete Poetry ") and two new volumes of Memorii.

Nicolae Iorga was forced out of Bucharest ( where he owned a new home in Dorobanţi quarter ) and Vălenii de Munte by the massive earthquake of November.

Irimescu's busts of Iorga are located in places of cultural importance: the ISSEE building in Bucharest and a public square in Chişinău, Moldova ( ex-Soviet Bessarabia ).

Several Romanian cities have " Nicolae Ioga " streets or boulevards: Bucharest ( also home of the Iorga High School and the Iorga Park ), Botoşani, Braşov, Cluj-Napoca, Constanţa, Craiova, Iaşi, Oradea, Ploieşti, Sibiu, Timişoara, etc.

An engineer by trade, Mircea Iorga was headmaster of the Bucharest Electro-technical College in the late 1930s.

De la Barbu Catargiu la Nicolae Iorga, Editura Curtea Veche, Bucharest, 2008.

A graduate of the School of Liberal Arts and Philosophy of the University of Cluj, Romania, and of the Institute of Dramatic Arts and Cinematography ( IATC ) of Bucharest, he made his directorial debut staging historical plays by the renowned historian Nicolae Iorga at the Cultural League Theatre of the People's University that Iorga founded in the town of Vălenii de Munte.

He studied history in Bucharest, with Nicolae Iorga as one of his professors.

Iorga and his new family had relocated several times, renting a home in Bucharest's Gara de Nord ( Buzeşti ) quarter.

Iorga, whose PND had formed the Federation of National Democracy with the PŢ and other parties, was perplexed by Averescu's sui generis appeal and personality cult, writing: " Everything that party was about Averescu.

Iorga had by then finished several new theatrical plays: Moartea lui Dante (" The Death of Dante "), Molière se răzbună (" Molière Gets His Revenge "), Omul care ni trebuie (" The Man We Need ") and Sărmală, amicul poporului (" Sărmală, Friend of the People ").

Iorga became Romanian Premier in April 1931, upon the request of Carol II, who had returned from exile to replace his own son, Michael I.

" Iorga's imprudent ambition is mentioned by cultural historian Z. Ornea, who also counts Iorga among those who had already opposed Carol's invalidation.

The moment aggravated the running personal rivalry between the PND founder and Iuliu Maniu, but Iorga had on his side Maniu's own brother, lawyer Cassiu Maniu, who rejected the PNR's regionalistic stance.

At the same time, his new education law enhancing university autonomy, for which Iorga had been campaigning since the 1920s, was openly challenged as unrealistic by fellow scholar Florian Ştefănescu-Goangă, who noted that it only encouraged political agitators to place themselves outside the state.

In 1939, as the Guard's campaign of retribution had degenerated into terrorism, Iorga used the Senate tribune to address the issue and demand measures to curb the violence.

Borrowing Maiorescu's theory about how Westernization had come to Romania as " forms without concept " ( meaning that some modern customs had been forced on top of local traditions ), Iorga likewise aimed it against the liberal establishment, but gave it a more radical expression.

In 1901, when he helped prevent Jewish linguist Lazăr Şăineanu from obtaining an academic position, Iorga wrote that Jews had a " passion for high praise and multiple earnings "; three years later, in Sămănătorul, he argued that Iaşi was " polluted " by a " business-minded ", " pagan and hostile " community.

Disenchanted with German culture after the shock of World War I, Iorga also had strong views on Adolf Hitler, Nazi Germany and Nazism in general, taking in view their contempt for the Versailles system, but also their repressive politics.

In 1940, Rădulescu-Motru likewise argued that Iorga had been " a creator [...] of unparalleled fecundity ", while Enciclopedia Cugetarea deemed him the greatest-ever mind in Romania.

According to philosopher Liviu Bordaş, Iorga's main topic of interest, the relation between Romania and the Eastern world, was exhaustively covered: " nothing escaped this sacred monster's attention: Iorga had read everything.

Iorga had a friendly attitude toward other Hungarian scholars, including Árpád Bitay and Imre Kádár, who were his guests at Vălenii.

Iorga had a complex personal perspective on the little-documented Dark Age history, between the Roman departure ( 271 AD ) and the 14th century emergence of two Danubian Principalities: Moldavia and Wallachia.

Unlike Ioan Bogdan and others, Iorga strongly rejected any notion that the South Slavs had been an additional contributor to ethnogenesis, and argued that Slavic idioms were a sustained but nonessential influence in historical Romanian.

One voice in support of this view is that of Ion Petrovici, a Junimist academic, who recounted that hearing Iorga lecture had made him overcome a prejudice which rated Maiorescu above all Romanian orators.

Tudor Vianu believed it " amazing " that, even in 1894, Iorga had made " so rich a synthesis of the scholarly, literary and oratorical formulas ".

In old age, Iorga had also established his reputation as a memoirist: Orizonturile mele was described by Victor Iova as " a masterpiece of Romanian literature ".

Notably in this context, Iorga reserved praise for some who had supported the Central Powers ( Carol I, Virgil Arion, George Coşbuc, Dimitrie Onciul ), but also stated that actual collaboration with the enemy was unforgivable.