It is these other differences between North and South -- other, that is, than those which concern discrimination or social welfare -- which I chiefly discuss herein.

-- liberal considers that the need for a national economy with controls that will assure his conception of social justice is so great that individual and local liberties as well as democratic processes may have to yield before it.

The two main charges levelled against the Bourbons by liberals is that they are racists and social reactionaries.

The enormous changes in world politics have, however, thrown it into confusion, so much so that it is safe to say that all international law is now in need of reexamination and clarification in light of the social conditions of the present era.

Ratified in the Republican Party victory in 1952, the Positive State is now evidenced by political campaigns being waged not on whether but on how much social legislation there should be.

Recognizing that the Rule of Law is `` a dynamic concept which should be employed not only to safeguard the civil and political rights of the individual in a free society '', the Congress asserted that it also included the responsibility `` to establish social, economic, educational and cultural conditions under which his legitimate aspirations and dignity may be realized ''.

This monitoring is necessary because, on a parade ground, everyone can hear too much, and without monitoring a confused social event would develop.

In any event, whether society may have cancer, or merely a virus infection, the `` disease '', we shall find, is political, economical, social, and even medical.

Rather it is rooted in a difference of response to the threat of social disintegration.

Thus human perception and human volition is the immanent cause of all social change and this most truly when the change reaches the civilizational level.

In the case of social decay, form is displaced simply by the process of dissolution with no form at the terminus of the process.

And the anxiety it generates is misinterpreted as anxiety over private interest and threatened social status.

He is not one to remain more comfortably and unquestioningly within a body of social, cultural, or literary traditions than he was within the traditions -- or possibly the regulations -- governing his tenure in the post office at Oxford, Mississippi, thirty-five years ago.

Without saying or seeming to say that in portraying the Sartoris and the Compson families Faulkner's chief concern is social criticism, we can say nevertheless that through those families he dramatizes his comment on the planter dynasties as they have existed since the decades before the Civil War.

Actually, you could wish for some passion, now and then, but when you look around the world and see the little volcanos of current history which partisan social passions have wrought, you are glad that in these pamphlets there is at least some civilized calm.

It must be granted that the flouting of convention, no matter how well intentioned one may be, is sure to lead to trouble, or at least to the discomfort that goes with social disapproval.

An advantage of being exposed to such specificity about an important and recurring feature of social reality is that it can be taken advantage of by the reader to examine covert as well as overt resonances within himself, resonances triggered by explicit symbols clustering around the central figure of the Jew.

Some historians have found his point of view not to their taste, others have complained that he makes the Tory tradition appear `` contemptible rather than intelligible '', while a sympathetic critic has remarked that the `` intricate interplay of social dynamics and political activity of which, at times, politicians are the ignorant marionettes is not a field for the exercise of his talents ''.

Britain in the nineteenth century is a textbook designed `` to give the sense of continuous growth, to show how economic led to social, and social to political change, how the political events reacted on the economic and social, and how new thoughts and new ideals accompanied or directed the whole complicated process ''.

For there is also the `` face of reality '' in the form of the individual's perceptions of his own abilities and interests, of the objective possibilities open to him, of the familial and other social pressures to which he is exposed.

A concept of responsibility is in process of articulation and establishment.

An approach that has appealed to some choreographers is reminiscent of Charles Olson's statement of the process of projective verse: `` one perception must immediately and directly lead to a further perception ''.

According to Katherine Litz, `` the becoming, the process of realization, is the dance ''.

The process stipulates that the choreographer sense the quality of the initial movement he has discovered and that he feel the rightness of the quality that is to follow it.

She, too, is concerned with `` the becoming, the process of realization '', but she does not think in terms of subtle variations of spatial or temporal patterns.

In its place is a passionate consciousness grasped and molded to feelings of positive or negative values even as the actions of one's life are determined by constellations of process in which one is caught.

But it is a clumsy and wasteful process: it can produce negative results but not much that is positive.

Within institutions there is a marked decline of the process of persuasion and the substitution of a force-fear process which masquerades as the earlier one of persuasion.

The continuing modernization of these forces is a costly but necessary process.

Social process is always anchored in past predisposition ; ;

Each year another grade is added to the process, until finally all 12 grades are integrated.

But it is in the process of so doing because it apparently gives priority to trying to downgrade John F. Kennedy.

In still others which are barely on the threshold of the transition into modernity, the decade can bring significant progress in launching the slow process of developing their human resources and their basic services to the point where an expanded range of developmental activities is possible.

Aid is a long-term process

It is an answer in its way, individual and highly dramatic, to the charge that the democratic process is necessarily vicious in its campaign characteristics.

But this we know: Here is a great life that in every area of American politics gives the American people occasion for pride and that has invested the democratic process with the most decent qualities of honor, decency, and self-respect.

It is but part of the whole process within the Department that goes into the making of the final recommendation to the appeal board.

It was recognized years ago that the transition from daytime to nighttime propagation conditions, and vice versa, is not an instantaneous process, but takes place over periods of time from roughly 2 hours before sunset until about 2 hours after sunset, and again from roughly 2 hours before sunrise until some 2 hours after sunrise.

It is possible, although highly doubtful, that he killed none at all but merely let his reputation work for him by privately claiming every unsolved murder in the state.

( The best evidence is that he received a monthly wage of about $125, very good money in an era when top hands worked for $30 and found.

this is not so, for education offers all kinds of dividends, including how to pull the wool over a husband's eyes while you are having an affair with his wife.

`` What is the scaffolding for, Brassnose ''??

He speaks your language too, for he is the grandson of a chieftain on Taui who made much magic and was strong and cunning.

This is a paradise for hunters.

`` And if the dive goes OK he has the exclusive import rights to your line for this country, is that right ''??

There is nothing for you '', Matsuo said.

It is almost time for and calinda to begin ''.

I want the room in the attic prepared for him He is a most unusual lad, quite precocious in many ways.

In fact it has caused us to give serious thought to moving our residence south, because it is not easy for the most objective Southerner to sit calmly by when his host is telling a roomful of people that the only way to deal with Southerners who oppose integration is to send in troops and shoot the bastards down.

but for this discussion the most important division is between those who have been reconstructed and those who haven't.

Had the situation been reversed, had, for instance, England been the enemy in 1898 because of issues of concern chiefly to New England, there is little doubt that large numbers of Southerners would have happily put on their old Confederate uniforms to fight as allies of Britain.

Of greater importance, however, is the content of those programs, which have had and are having enormous consequences for the American people.

The general acceptance of the idea of governmental ( i.e., societal ) responsibility for the economic well-being of the American people is surely one of the two most significant watersheds in American constitutional history.

Reduced to its simplest terms, it is an assumption of a collective duty to compensate for the inability of individuals to cope with the rigors of the era.

National responsibility for individual welfare is a concept not limited to the United States or even to the Western nations.

For better or for worse, we all now live in welfare states, the organizing principle of which is collective responsibility for individual well-being.

( Since the time-span of the nation-state coincides roughly with the separate existence of the United States as an independent entity, it is perhaps natural for Americans to think of the nation as representative of the highest form of order, something permanent and unchanging.

There is little time for the men in the command centers to reflect about the implications of these clocks.

Only recently new `` holes '' were discovered in our safety measures, and a search is now on for more.