Although there were many IRA men — both Official and Provisional — present at the protest, it is claimed they were all unarmed, apparently because it was anticipated that the paratroopers would attempt to " draw them out ".

Paddy Ward claimed he was the leader of the Fianna Éireann, the youth wing of the IRA in January 1972.

He claimed McGuinness, the second-in-command of the IRA in the city at the time, and another anonymous IRA member gave him bomb parts on the morning of 30 January, the date planned for the civil rights march.

The Provisional IRA convention delegates opposed to the change in the Constitution claimed that the convention was gerrymandered " by the creation of new IRA organisational structures for the convention, including the combinations of Sligo-Roscommon-Longford and Wicklow-Wexford-Waterford.

In February 2006, the Independent Monitoring Commission claimed in a report on paramilitary activity that two groups, styling themselves as Saoirse na hÉireann and Óglaigh na hÉireann, had been formed after a split in the Continuity IRA.

The CPS claimed that Bruce Kent, the general secretary of CND and a Catholic priest, was a supporter of IRA terrorism.

The IRA later claimed that their target was a colour guard of British soldiers.

Anti-treaty writer Dorothy Macardle has claimed that 70 to 80 percent of the IRA was against the Treaty.

When challenged on this, Maguire claimed that, as the IRA “ were no longer the same as they used to be ”, he disagreed with the organisation.

Whenever it claimed responsibility for its attacks, the UVF usually claimed that those targeted were IRA members or IRA sympathisers.

Other times, attacks on Catholic civilians were claimed as " retaliation " for IRA actions, since the IRA drew most of its support from the Catholic community.

It is claimed that some RIC helped the IRA in this attack.

IRA historian J. Bowyer Bell stated, with respect to the Provisional IRA, that, " There was some support in Belfast, although less than claimed " ( p. 367 ).

While the truce was welcomed by enthusiastic crowds, and some arrangement beyond the Home Rule Act 1920 provisions was in prospect, it was also evident that the IRA military campaign had not secured the 32-county republic claimed by the Dáil, and that a separate government in Northern Ireland was now functioning.

Until recently republican paramilitary groups, such the Provisional IRA, often claimed that their campaigns derived legitimacy from this 1918 mandate, and some still do.

* Irish Republican Army ( IRA ), a name claimed by multiple groups

Some of the police later claimed that they were fired on first by IRA sentries, but this has never been proven.

Major opened talks with the Provisional Irish Republican Army ( IRA ) upon taking office.

Although the government had a comfortable majority and seemed set for a full term in office, a resumption of IRA activity in Northern Ireland and Britain caused internal strains ( see Border Campaign ).

These relations worsened when the IRA killed Jerry McCabe, a member of An Garda Síochána, in a botched post office robbery in County Limerick, and another bomb explosion in Manchester.

* Friday 7 June 1996: IRA members killed Jerry McCabe, a Detective in the Garda Síochána ( the Irish police service ), during a post office robbery in Adare, County Limerick, in the Republic.

In May 1921, an Irish Republican Army ( IRA ) unit of approximately 25 men successfully ambushed a party of 10 Royal Marines and their sergeant in the village near the old post office.

* Sean Francis Quinn, Anti-Treaty IRA office

He was a prominent member of the Indian Rights Association, working out of the organization's Boston office, and, with Samuel M. Brosius, had a long career as an IRA agent and lobbyist in Washington D. C.

The IRA also opened an early office in Boston, Massachusetts.

Although formally on ceasefire ( except for " defensive actions ") since 1972 ( see above ), the Official IRA continued some attacks on British forces up until mid 1973, killing seven British soldiers in what it termed " retaliatory attacks ".

However, those earning above the amount that allowed deductible contributions could still make nondeductible contributions to their IRA.

Amounts converted from a traditional to a Roth IRA must stay in the account for a minimum of 5 years to avoid having a penalty on withdrawal of basis unless one of the above exceptions applies.

See IRA bombing above.

The IRA claimed they were targeting a Loyalist meeting above the fish shop when the bomb exploded prematurely as it was being planted ; nine people were killed in addition to one of the bombers, Thomas Begley.

This second criticism was also echoed in comments from Protestants reported in The Belfast Telegraph that the report created an unjust hierarchy in which the victims of Bloody Sunday were unfairly elevated above the more numerous victims of IRA violence.

As noted above, the IRA denied involvement in the attack.

O ' Connell Street had declined for a number of reasons such as the proliferation of fast food restaurants and the opening of bargain shops using cheap plastic shop fronts which were unattractive and obtrusive ; the existence of a number of derelict sites ; and the destruction in 1966 of Nelson's Pillar following a bombing by former IRA members.

In 1939 on perhaps his last return to England, he was nearly killed in the first IRA bombing on the mainland ; his daughter stopped to window shop just seconds before the bomb went off on the steps to the nearby underground station.

They soon gained a reputation for brutality, as the RIC campaign against the IRA and Sinn Féin members was stepped up and police reprisals for IRA attacks were condoned by the government.

He was killed during an IRA attack on the RIC barracks in Rathmore, County Kerry, on 11 July 1920.

Less than a month after his controversial instruction to the unit, Smyth was shot dead by an IRA party led by Dan " Sandow " O ' Donovan.

On 10 August Bombardier Paul Challenor became the first soldier to be killed by the Provisional IRA in Derry, when he was shot by a sniper on the Creggan estate.

The official army position, backed by the British Home Secretary the next day in the House of Commons, was that the paratroopers had reacted to gun and nail bomb attacks from suspected IRA members.

Later identified as a member of the Official IRA, this man was also photographed in the act of drawing his weapon, but was apparently not seen or targeted by the soldiers.

Evidence given by Martin McGuinness, a senior member of Sinn Féin and now the deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland, to the inquiry stated that he was second-in-command of the Derry City brigade of the Provisional IRA and was present at the march.

The report concluded that an Official IRA sniper fired on British soldiers, albeit on the balance of evidence his shot was fired after the Army shots that wounded Damien Donaghey and John Johnston.

The meeting, which like all such meetings was secret, was convened to discuss among other resolutions, the articles of the Provisional IRA constitution which dealt with abstentionism, its opposition to the taking of seats in Dáil Éireann.

" The only IRA body that supported this viewpoint was the outgoing IRA Executive.

These changes within the military wing of the Republican Movement were accompanied by changes in the political wing and at the 1986 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis ( party conference ), which followed the IRA Convention, the party's policy of abstentionism, which forbade Sinn Féin elected representatives from taking seats in the Oireachtas, the parliament of Ireland, was dropped.

It was only after the Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire in 1994 that the Continuity IRA became active, announcing its intention to continue the campaign against British rule.

Supporters of the Continuity IRA leadership claim that this resulted from an internal disagreement, which although brought to a conclusion, was followed by some people leaving the organisation anyway.

" In June 2011, Liam Kenny, a member of this breakaway Continuity IRA faction, was allegedly murdered by drug dealers at his home in Clondalkin, West Dublin.