" For example, James Madison argued for a constitutional republic with protections for individual liberty over a pure democracy, reasoning that, in a pure democracy, a " common passion or interest will, in almost every case, be felt by a majority of the whole ... and there is nothing to check the inducements to sacrifice the weaker party ...."

While Henry's arguments were emotional appeals to possible unintended consequences, Madison responded with rational answers to these arguments ; he eventually argued that Henry's claims were becoming absurd.

Madison then argued that a state, after declaring a federal law unconstitutional, could take action by communicating with other states, attempting to enlist their support, petitioning Congress to repeal the law in question, introducing amendments to the Constitution in Congress, or calling a constitutional convention.

Madison argued that he had never intended his Virginia Resolution to suggest that each individual state had the power to nullify an act of Congress.

Many people believed he, and other Jeffersonians such as James Madison, were being hypocritical by doing something they surely would have argued against with Alexander Hamilton.

Furthermore, it has been argued that the Supreme Court should have been able to issue the writ on original jurisdiction based on the fact that Article III of the Constitution granted it the right to review on original jurisdiction " all cases affecting … public ministers and consuls ," and that James Madison, Secretary of State at the time and defendant of the suit, should have fallen into that category of a " public minister consul.

The Founding Fathers of the United States rarely praised and often criticized democracy, which in their time tended to specifically mean direct democracy ; James Madison argued, that what distinguished a democracy from a republic was that the former became weaker as it got larger and suffered more violently from the effects of faction, whereas a republic could get stronger as it got larger and combats faction by its very structure.

The leading critics of the law, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, argued for the Acts ' unconstitutionality based on the First Amendment, among other Constitutional provisions ( e. g. Tenth Amendment ).

The eugenicist Madison Grant argued that the Nordic race had been responsible for most of humanity's great achievements, and that admixture was " race suicide ".

Constitutional scholars from James Madison to the present day have argued that the term " Officer " excludes members of Congress.

In his " Federalist No. 43 ", published January 23, 1788, James Madison argued that the new federal government would need authority over a national capital to provide for its own maintenance and safety.

James Madison, then a member of the House of Representatives, argued that the treaty could not, under Constitutional law, take effect without approval of the House, since it regulated commerce and exercised legislative powers granted to Congress.

Historial Gilbert Osofsky has argued that Phillips's nationalism was shaped by a religious ideology derived from the European Enlightenment as expressed by Thomas Paine, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and Alexander Hamilton.

But Madison feared that the growing support for this doctrine would undermine the union and argued that by ratifying the Constitution states had transferred their sovereignty to the federal government.

Madison argued that a conspiracy of large states against the small states was unrealistic as the large states were so different from each other.

After retiring from the presidency, Madison argued in his detached memoranda for a stronger separation of church and state, opposing the very presidential issuing of religious proclamations he himself had done, and also opposing the appointment of chaplains to Congress.

Prior to the District's founding, James Madison argued in Federalist No. 43 that the national capital needed to be distinct from the states in order to provide for its own maintenance and safety.

Concerned that monied Northern aristocrats would take advantage of the bank to exploit the South, Madison now argued that congress lacked the constitutional authority to charter a bank.

Framer James Madison argued in the Federalist Papers that a danger to democracies were factions, which he defined as a group that pushed its interests to the detriment of the national interest.

A 2006 study of the 2004 and 2002 campaigns by political scientists Mayer, Werner, and Williams of the University of Wisconsin — Madison argued that the GAO " understate the reforms ' impact, in part by making some unusual methodological choices and jettisoning valuable data.

Madison affirmed each part of the Virginia Resolution, and again argued that the states have the right to interpose when they believe a federal law is unconstitutional.

" Critics of Black's reasoning ( most notably, former Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist ) have argued that the majority of states did have " official " churches at the time of the First Amendment's adoption and that James Madison, not Jefferson, was the principal drafter.

Proponents argued that " magnet jurisdictions " such as Madison County, Illinois were rife with abuse of the class action procedure.

In 1960, he published Legacy of Suppression: Freedom of Speech and Press in Early American History, in which he argued that the law governing freedom of the press, and thus the original intention of the First Amendment's free-press clauses, was narrower than the generally libertarian views held by James Madison -- and, in particular, that the law of freedom of the press included the old English common-law crime of seditious libel.

When, in 1832, the South Carolina nullifiers adopted the principle of state interposition which Madison had advanced in his old Virginia Resolve, they elicited no encouragement from that senior statesman.

Though the resolutions followed the " interposition " approach of James Madison, Jefferson advocated nullification and at one point drafted a threat for Kentucky to secede.

Rather, Madison explained that " interposition " involved a collective action of the states, not a refusal by an individual state to enforce federal law, and that the deletion of the words " void, and of no force or effect " was intended to make clear that no individual state could nullify federal law.

" Madison explained that when the Virginia Legislature passed the Virginia Resolution, the " interposition " it contemplated was " a concurring and cooperating interposition of the States, not that of a single State .… he Legislature expressly disclaimed the idea that a declaration of a State, that a law of the U. S. was unconstitutional, had the effect of annulling the law.

Though the resolutions followed the " interposition " approach of Madison, Jefferson advocated nullification.

Madison did not specify the procedural legal details of how this interposition would be enacted or what result it would have.

During the Nullification Crisis of the 1830s, Madison further explained the concept of interposition as set forth in his Virginia Resolution.

" Rather, the interposition contemplated by Madison would be " a concurring and cooperating interposition of the States, not that of a single State.

It is visible throughout the city, and men from Madison Ave. would jump at the chance.

Modern sociology largely originated from this movement and Hume's philosophical concepts that directly influenced James Madison ( and thus the U. S. Constitution ) and when popularised by Dugald Stewart, would be the basis of classical liberalism.

" Indeed, Madison and Freneau would have become brothers-in-law had Freneau's favorite sister, Mary, accepted Madison's repeated proposals of marriage.

Madison was crucial in persuading George Washington to attend the convention, since he knew how important the president would be to the adoption of a constitution.

Madison pointed out that a limited government would be created, and that the powers delegated ‘ to the federal government are few and defined .” Madison persuaded prominent figures such as George Mason and Edmund Randolph, who had refused to endorse the constitution at the convention, to change their position and support it at the ratifying convention.

When the vote was nearing, and the constitution still looked likely to be defeated, Madison pleaded with a small group of anti-federalists, and promised them he would push for a bill of rights later if they changed their votes.

Madison believed that slaves, as property, would be protected by both their masters and the government.

Later this was recognized as unconstitutional but, at the time, the law made it increasingly unlikely that Madison would be elected to congress.

Later as president, Madison was told by some of his former constituents that, had it not been for unusually bad weather on election day, Monroe likely would have won.

Despite this, Madison still feared that the states would compel congress to call for a new constitutional convention, which they had the right to do.

Madison initially proposed that the amendments would be incorporated into the body of the Constitution.

The Senate took up his slate of amendments, condensed them into eleven, and removed the language which Madison had included so that they would be integrated into the body of the constitution.

Madison believed that Britain was weak and the United States was strong, and that a trade war with Britain, although risking a real war by the British government, probably would succeed, and would allow Americans to assert their independence fully.

Ex-Presidents Jefferson and Madison counseled Monroe to accept the offer, but Adams advised, " It would be more candid ... to avow our principles explicitly to Russia and France, than to come in as a cock-boat in the wake of the British man-of-war.

As these appointments were routine in nature, Marshall assumed the new Secretary of State James Madison would see they were delivered, since " they had been properly submitted and approved, and were, therefore, legally valid appointments.

Cablevision was fixated against the Jets owning the land as Madison Square Garden, located only a few blocks away, would be forced to compete with the stadium.

The presidential election of 1808, which Madison won, showed that the Federalists were regaining strength, and helped to convince Congress that the Embargo would have to be repealed.

The promoter of the event at Madison Square Garden, reluctant to close his stadium for half the day, realised that giving each rider a partner with whom he could share the racing meant the race could still go on 24 hours a day but that no one rider would exceed the 12-hour limit.

The site of Madison Cottage would remain a critical crossroads throughout the city's history — after its demise the site gave rise to a park, in turn named Madison Square, which remains today.

The race that would become known as the " Madison " was developed at the second Madison Square Garden, which stood on the site of the original Garden.