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We can verify that our idea of " macroscopic " systems fall within the correspondence limit.
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We and can
We have staved off a war and, since our behavior has involved all these elements, we can only keep adding to our ritual without daring to abandon any part of it, since we have not the slightest notion which parts are effective.
We assume for this illustration that the size of the land plots is so great that the distance between dwellings is greater than the voice can carry and that most of the communication is between nearest neighbors only, as shown in Figure 2.
We hear equally fervent concern over the belief that we have not enough generalists who can see the over-all picture and combine our national skills and knowledge for useful purposes.
We can also argue that the three brothers Karamazov and Smerdyakov were the external representatives of an internal conflict within one man, Dostoevsky, a conflict having to do with father-murder and the wish to possess the father's woman.
We feel uncomfortable at being bossed by a corporation or a union or a television set, but until we have some knowledge about these phenomena and what they are doing to us, we can hardly learn to control them.
We must avoid the notion, suggested to some people by examples such as those just mentioned, that ideas are `` units '' in some way comparable to coins or counters that can be passed intact from one group of people to another or even, for that matter, from one individual to another.
We can be virtuous only if we control our lower natures, the passions in this case, and strengthen our rational side ; ;
We can force Britain and France out of the Suez, but we cannot so much as try to force the Russian tanks back from Budapest.
We can vote in the UN against South African apartheid or Portuguese rule in Angola, but we cannot even introduce a motion on the Berlin Wall -- much less, give the simple order to push the Wall down.
We can no longer rely on interdepartmental machinery `` somewhere upstairs '' to resolve differences between this and other departments.
We have developed an ingenious method of interlocking these so that you can make the major part of your house in your own workshop, panel by panel, according to plan.
We gently usher them to an island of tables and chairs strategically placed on the far side of the pool where they can amuse each other until we get ready to merge sides.
We found that three men -- two carpenters and a helper -- can put up wall panels or trusses more economically than four men -- because four men don't make two teams ; ;
We and verify
We can verify the first statement by observations made in the physical world, but, according to David Hume, no amount of physical world observation can verify statements of the second type.
On April 29, 2007, former Director of Central Intelligence George Tenet said on 60 Minutes, " We could never verify that there was any Iraqi authority, direction and control, complicity with al-Qaeda for 9 / 11 or any operational act against America, period.
Critics of Hayes such as Salon. com have stated that the intelligence community consistently held that the relationship between Saddam and al-Qaeda was not operational, with Tenet telling 60 Minutes, " We could never verify that there was any Iraqi authority, direction and control, complicity with al-Qaeda for 9 / 11 or any operational act against America, period.
We have to verify that p goes over into the density function in the classical limit, and that it has ergodic properties.
We and our
`` We the people of the Confederate States, each state acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent federal government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity -- invoking the favor and the guidance of Almighty God -- do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America ''.
We, in our country, think of war as an external threat which, if it occurs, will not be primarily of our own doing.
We are forced, in our behavior towards others, to adopt empirically successful patterns in toto because we have such a minimal understanding of their essential elements.
We use terms from our personal experience with individuals such as `` trust '', `` cheat '', and `` get tough ''.
We were forbidden to swing on the gates, lest they sag on their hinges in a poor-white-trash way, but we could stand on them, when they were latched, rest our chins on the top, and stare and stare, committing to memory, quite unintentionally, all the details that lay before our eyes.
A Yale historian, writing a few years ago in The Yale Review, said: `` We in New England have long since segregated our children ''.
We are tempted to blame others for our problems rather than look them straight in the face and realize they are of our own making and possible of solution only by ourselves with the help of desperately needed, enlightened, competent leaders.
We are reminded, however, that freedom of thought and discussion, the unfettered exchange of ideas, is basic under our form of government.
We experience a vague uneasiness about events, a suspicion that our political and economic institutions, like the genie in the bottle, have escaped confinement and that we have lost the power to recall them.
We did our job, Mr. Stavropoulos and Mr. De Seynes and myself, taking evidence from a number of people ''.
We went out of the office and down the hall to a window where documents and more officials awaited us, the rest of the office personnel hot upon our heels.
We saw Giuseppe Berto at a party once in a while, tall, lean, nervous and handsome, and, in our opinion, the best novelist of them all except Pavese, and Pavese is dead.
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