* Michel Foucault: Critiqued the modern conception of power on the basis of the prison complex and other prohibitive institutions, such as those that designate sexuality, madness and knowledge as the roots of their infrastructure, a critique which then demonstrated that subjection is the power formation of subjects in any linguistic forum and that revolution cannot just be thought as the reversal of power between classes.

Born into a middle-class family in Poitiers, Foucault was educated at the Lycée Henri-IV and then the École Normale Supérieure, where he developed a keen interest in philosophy and came under the influence of his tutors Jean Hyppolite and Louis Althusser.

Hyppolite devoted his energies to uniting the existentialist theories then in vogue among French philosophers with the dialectical theories of Hegel and Karl Marx ( 1818 – 1883 ); these ideas influenced the young Foucault, who would adopt Hyppolite's conviction that philosophy must be developed through a study of history.

In the summer of 1983, he noticed that he had a persistent dry cough ; friends in Paris became concerned that he may have contracted the HIV / AIDS virus then sweeping the San Francisco gay population, but Foucault insisted that he had nothing more than a pulmonary infection that would clear up when he spent the autumn of 1983 in California.

Foucault then inquires how such a change in French society's punishment of convicts could have developed in such a short time.

Foucault proceeds to examine how the confession of sexuality then came to be " constituted in scientific terms ", arguing that scientists began to trace the cause of all aspects of human psychology and society to sexual factors.

In the second and third volumes of The History of Sexuality, namely, The Use of Pleasure ( 1984 ) and The Care of the Self ( 1984 ), and in his lecture on " Technologies of the Self " ( 1982 ), Foucault elaborated a distinction between subjectivation and forms of subjectification by exploring how selves were fashioned and then lived in ways which were both heteronomously and autonomously determined.

The dildo was academically analyzed in a paper presented at the 1995 Bowling Green State University Conference in Cultural Studies: Lesbian Pornography and Transformation: Foucault, Bourdieu, and de Certeau Make Sense of the Jeff Stryker Dildo, by Mary T. Conway, then a graduate student at Temple University.

He also co-authored Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, translated Merleau-Ponty's Sense and Non-Sense, and authored the controversial 1972 book What Computers Can't Do, revised first in 1979, and then again in 1992 with a new introduction as What Computers Still Can't Do.

" The problem for Foucault is in some sense a theoretical modeling which posits a soul, an identity ( the use of soul being fortunate since ' identity ' or ' name ' would not properly express the method of subjection — e. g., if mere materiality were used as a way of tracking individuals then the method of punishment would not have switched from torture to psychiatry ) which allows a whole materiality of prison to develop.

Foucault then goes on further to investigate what was the reasoning behind this modern biopolitical state racism.

Unfortunately, from the classical standpoint investigative work is viewed upon as having difficulty to interpret ; data with no end product isolating power and then man, as either in a position of interpretation by the classical theorists as the final conclusion or man having anthropological characteristics with ancient relic features borrowed from the Pleistocene era which have never altered with additional evolutionary, cultural and biological salient features rather than having a real historical and social character involved. Or to investigate critically this power, with man and his involvement with his interactions with the environment making it impossible to have any rigorous explanation or conclusions. Political systems, or knowledge systems in general, from the classical perspective, become too large to be comprehended interpreting the environment of man as an anachronism ; information and data produced surrounding man as poorly understood viewing historical information as having no, or absence of history. Obviously from the classical point of view, modern research methods ( all from " Social sciences, Sociology, Humanities ") cannot be used to penetrate observation leaving gaps in our knowledge and an accepted taken for granted approach to any analysis. Foucault views this as the exact opposite of rational analysis, with its operations ( power ) as nothing more than a series of contingencies and networks.

Although Michel Foucault is the name primarily associated with the concept of biopower and bio-politics, the term Biopolitics was in fact used tentatively in 1911 when the magazine The New Age published the article " Biopolitics " by G. W. Harris and then reused in 1938 by Morley Roberts ( 1857 – 1942 ) in his book Biopolitics.

Foucault then offers from his lectures his conclusions from both the schools of thought of the twentieth century from this time ; neo-liberalism, German ordoliberalism ( the Freiburg School ) and the Chicago school ( sociology ).

Foucault then takes on the concept into a different direction by positioning it between biological processes, the control of human populations through political means ; government, management and Social organization ; through work, the labor force and the ruthless efficiency of the organization of money through the International monetary systems of whole human populations ( bio ) and politics ( polis ), this is essentially Foucault's meaning of biopolitics ; human biology and its amalgamation with politics.

Foucault then situates liberalism's take on society where liberalism sees the state and society as a societal organism ( neoliberalism never mentions it in any of their narratives nor is it ever mentioned by name as it is automatically assumed by liberalism that state organization was automatically, ingrained in the human psyche in the guise of an invisible organic whole called the body politic, where all humans are involved regardless of their class position ) capable of producing, multiplying, reproducing and if necessary, having a destructive capability.

The industrial working population which comprises the overwhelming majority of human populations anywhere in the world, in a wider context unwittingly there must be at least seen, essentially a systematic position however clandestinely operated, without disruption taking place of economic productivity and activity which still has to take place in a smooth, transitory and unfussy way this then takes on a new meaning Foucault offers us a chilling reminder of those who take part, through no fault of their own, in this involuntary naive complicity he introduces to us the concept of Homo economicus ( economic man )

Foucault then briefly touches on B F Skinner ; ( the founder of radical behaviorism ), and Robert Castel but unfortunately it is very brief however, in Foucault's defence, he himself does admit ' there is little literature ' available in France on these techniques, however, to be critical, Foucault did belong to the most prestigious academic institutions in Europe ( Collège de France ) with unprecedented access to many journals in France and it would be unlikely that they would be unavailable to him.

It is clear then that any standard neuroscience journal will show you this, it is not the body but the mind, as is often thought by Foucault and the postmodernism movement, both thought that the body ( not the mind ), an often repeated mistake a simple mistake, but a crucial one.

Foucault then notices that this art of government were internal to society itself, not external, this type of self-government was practiced right throughout European society ; such as Italy, Germany, France, etc.

Foucault then reads into Robert Castel's work ; The Psychiatric Order, an essential read according to Foucault, where the techniques were finally finalised during the 18th century of this absolute global project which was directed towards the whole of society.

In a later work, Security, Territory, Population, Foucault admits that he was somewhat overzealous in his descriptions of how disciplinary power conditions society ; he qualifies and develops his earlier ideas.

According to Searle's account, Foucault called Derrida's prose style " terrorist obscurantism "; Searle's quote was:

Sociologists became interested in Foucault because of his account of panopticism.

In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight.

Following an interpretation of power similar to that of Machiavelli, Foucault defines power as immaterial, as a " certain type of relation between individuals " that has to do with complex strategic social positions that relate to the subject's ability to control its environment and influence those around itself.

According to Foucault, power is intimately tied with his conception of truth.

Political freedom has also been theorized in its opposition to ( and a condition of ) " power relations ", or the power of " action upon actions ," by Michel Foucault.

According to Foucault, it is the " effect " of power and " disciplines " ( See Discipline and Punish: construction of the subject as student, soldier, " criminal ", etc.

Foucault was known for his controversial aphorisms, such as " language is oppression ", meaning that language functions in such a way as to render nonsensical, false or silent tendencies that might otherwise threaten or undermine the distributions of power backing a society's conventions-even when such distributions purport to celebrate liberation and expression or value minority groups and perspectives.

Following Nietzsche, Foucault argued that knowledge is produced through the operations of power, and changes fundamentally in different historical periods.

Using ideas about power and subjectification first broached by Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish, and the linguistic theories of J. L. Austin, Butler argued that sex was an effect rather than the cause of social gender difference, and that the fiction of a stable core gender identity was maintained through socially coerced performances of gender.

Western philosopher Michel Foucault, claimed that as sexual subjects, humans are the object of power, which is not an institution or structure, rather it is a signifier or name attributed to " complex strategical situation ".

" Foucault traces the role of discourses in wider social processes of legitimating and power, emphasizing the construction of current truths, how they are maintained and what power relations they carry with them .” Foucault later theorized that discourse is a medium through which power relations produce speaking subjects.

Foucault ( 1977, 1980 ) argued that power and knowledge are inter-related and therefore every human relationship is a struggle and negotiation of power.

Foucault further stated that power is always present and can both produce and constrain the truth.

Discourse according to Foucault ( 1977, 1980, 2003 ) is related to power as it operates by rules of exclusion.

Coining the phrases power-knowledge Foucault ( 1980 ) stated knowledge was both the creator of power and creation of power.

", Michel Foucault proposed a concept of critique based on Kant's distinction between " private " and " public " uses of reason.

A MEMS gyroscope takes the idea of the Foucault pendulum and uses a vibrating element, known as a MEMS ( Micro Electro-Mechanical System ).

" In his work, The Archaeology of Knowledge, Foucault uses the example of a book to illustrate a node within a network.

The Foucault test is in use to this date, most notably by amateur and smaller commercial telescope makers as it is inexpensive and uses simple, easily made equipment.

* 1851 – Léon Foucault uses Foucault pendulum is to demonstrate the rotation of the earth

Instead, Foucault looks at the critical tools of using one's own reason, and how disputing Kant's other arguments only serves to reinforce the value of Sapere Aude ( Foucault uses the term critical ontology as a synonym for his concept ) with a sort of faithful betrayal.

To fully understand this concept, it is important to realize that in this case, Foucault does not only use the standard, strictly political definition of " governing " or government used today, but he also uses the broader definition of governing or government that was employed until the eighteenth century.

Foucault also uses examples from Jorge Luis Borges, an important direct influence on many postmodernist fiction writers.

Foucault uses the term to designate spaces outside everyday fixed institutional and social spaces, for example trains, motels and cemeteries.

With the concept of " biopower ", which first appears in courses concerning the discourse of " race struggle "( Society Must Be Defended 1975-1976 courses ), Foucault uses terms such as mechanism, dispositif, apparatus, Discourse, Genealogy in order to get us to think ( and write about ) of this version of power as continuous, penetrable, observable as opposed to the classical argument seeing man as :" inherent primate disposition for hierarchical social and authoritarian political systems. With a predisposition for social and political hierarchical structures.

Here at least explains, from the Classical viewpoint, its approximate method with a large amount of traditional rationality for its oeuvre heavily reliant on tradition to make conclusions ' as final decisions ' towards conclusions. Foucault uses a rather unusual method involving oeuvre de la obscure meaning the ' obscure ' is seen as the building block for human rationality functioning as norms which become familiar to people, giving the uninformed their ' view ' and ' truth ' of the world. The uninformed means the uninformed who have no direct access to policy decision making therefore condemning those who work into a continuous comatose ignorance producing this network of power systems creating what Marx called ' labour power ' which recreate and recycle a functioning society ( comparable to a living breathing organism ) and the population of producers who have no monetary resources and ownership of capital wealth ; ownership of mines, banks, transportation equipment and machinery, such as aeroplanes car manufacturers and industry and therefore are confined to the bottom of the hiercharchical pyramid, producing the problematization of a society comparable to Ants or Bees which inform evolutionary biology, for example of human nature. While inaccurate and now known to be scientifically flawed, nevertheless it remains ' true ' from the classical perspective as opposed to the working population who are not uneducated or illiterate a wall which can be pieced.

In contemporary US political science studies, usage of the term is mostly divided between a post-modernist group using the meaning assigned by Michel Foucault ( denoting social and political power over life ) and another group who uses it to denote studies relating biology and political science.

# Drop the Apple-At the Smithsonian, we learn of electric crystals that help Pierre and Marie Curie discover what they call radium, and then Langevin uses the piezo-electric crystal to develop sonar that helps save liberty ships ( from German U-boats ) put together with welding techniques using acetylene made with carbon arcs, also working the arc lights with clockwork regulators built by Foucault, whose pendulum helps him to take pictures of solar eclipses.

In developing the theory of archaeology of knowledge, Foucault was trying to analyse the fundamental codes which a culture uses to construct the episteme or configuration of knowledge that determines the empirical orders and social practices of each particular historical era.