Feminist economists call attention to the social constructions of traditional economics, questioning the extent to which it is positive and objective, and showing how its models and methods are biased towards masculine preferences.

Feminist economists pushed for and produced gender aware theory and analysis, broadened the focus on economics and sought pluralism of methodology and research methods.

" Feminist economists call attention to the value judgements in all aspects economics and criticize its depiction an objective science.

Feminist economists may also consider the specific gendered effects of trade-decisions.

" Feminist economists often extend these criticisms to many aspects of the social world, arguing that power relations are an endemic and important feature of society.

Feminist economists argue that people are more complex than such models, and call for " a more holistic vision of an economic actor, which includes group interactions and actions motivated by factors other than greed.

Feminist economists also point out that agency is not available to everyone, such as children, the sick, and the frail elderly.

Feminist economists, argue on the contrary that a mathematical conception of economics limited to scarce resources is a holdover from the early years of science and Cartesian philosophy, and limits economic analysis.

Feminist economists suggest that both the content and teaching style of economics courses would benefit from certain changes.

" Feminist economists show that social constructs act to privilege male-identified, western, and heterosexual interpretations of economics.

Feminist economists often make a critical distinction that masculine bias in economics is primarily a result of gender, not sex.

Feminist economists also examine early economic thinkers ' interaction or lack of interaction with gender and women's issues, showing examples of women's historical engagement with economic thought.

Feminist economists Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum created the human capabilities approach as an alternative way to assess economic success rooted in the ideas of welfare economics and focused on the individual's potential to do and be what he or she may choose to value.

Feminist economists modify these assumptions to account for exploitative sexual and gender relations, single-parent families, same-sex relationships, familial relations with children, and the consequences of reproduction.

Feminist economists join the UN and others in acknowledging care work, as a kind of work which includes all tasks involving caregiving, as central to economic development and human well-being.

Feminist economists study both paid and unpaid care work.

Feminist economists have argued that unpaid domestic work is as valuable as paid work, so measures of economic success should include unpaid work.

Feminist economists have also highlighted power and inequality issues within families and households.

Feminist economists seek to include the ramifications of this work in their data, analysis, and policy recommendations.

" Feminist economists have criticized the SNA for this exclusion, because by leaving out unpaid work, basic and necessary labor is ignored.

Feminist economists point out three main ways of determining the value of unpaid work: the opportunity cost method, replacement cost method, and input-output cost method.

Feminist economists such as Marilyn Power, Ellen Mutari and Deborah M. Figart have examined the gender pay gap and found that wage setting procedures are not primarily driven by market forces, but instead by the power of actors, cultural understandings of the value of work and what constitutes a proper living, and social gender norms.

Feminist economists ' work on globalization is diverse and multifaceted.

Feminist economists say too many theories claim to present universal principles but actually present a masculine viewpoint in the guise of a " view from nowhere ," so more varied sources of data collection are needed to mediate those issues.

Feminist economists depart from traditional economics in that they say " ethical judgments are a valid, inescapable, and in fact desirable part of economic analysis.

Feminist scholars say that the objectification of women involves the act of disregarding the personal and intellectual abilities and capabilities of a female ; and reducing a woman's worth or role in society to that of an instrument for the sexual pleasure that she can produce in the mind of another.

Feminist historians say use of the term catfight to label female opponents goes back to 1940, when American newspapers characterized as a catfight a dispute between Clare Boothe Luce and journalist Dorothy Thompson over which candidate to support in the 1940 Presidential campaign.

Feminist pro-life groups say they are continuing the tradition of 19th century women's rights activists such as Susan B. Anthony, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Victoria Woodhull, Elizabeth Blackwell, and Alice Paul who considered abortion to be an evil forced upon women by men.

" Feminist economics holds that such a reformation provides a better description of the actual experiences of both men and women in the market, arguing that mainstream economics overemphasizes the role of individualism, competition and selfishness of all actors.

Feminist economists have also challenged and exposed the rhetorical approach of mainstream economics.

Feminist theorist and author bell hooks believes that the beliefs of separatist feminists run counter to many of the original goals of feminism, and instead of seeking to create equality, attempt to establish a female-centric and female-dominated society in which men are subjugated and misandry is brought into the mainstream.

Art and the Feminist Revolution ,, the first mainstream museum show of this groundbreaking art movement.

* Feminist economics

Feminist economics is the critical study of economics including its methodology, epistemology, history and empirical research, attempting to overcome pervasive androcentric ( male and patriarchal ) biases.

Feminist economics ultimately seeks to produce a more gender inclusive economics.

While detailed feminist critiques of traditional economics appeared in the 1970s and 80s, such as those of the Committee on the Status of Women in the Economics Profession ( CSWEP ) in 1972, feminist economics rapidly developed with the initiation of networks to support the careers of women in economics such as the Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era ( DAWN ) and in 1994, with the founding of the International Association for Feminist Economics ( IAFFE ) and the journal Feminist Economics.

Feminist economics call attention to the importance of non-market activities, such as childcare and domestic work, to economic development.

Feminist economics often assert that power relations exist within the economy, and therefore, must be assessed in economic models in ways that they previously have been overlooked.

Feminist economics argue that gender and race must be considered in economic analysis.

Feminist economics also includes study of norms relevant to economics, challenging the traditional view that material incentives will reliably provide the goods we want and need ( consumer sovereignty ), which does not hold true for many people.

Feminist critiques of economics include that " economics, like any science, is socially constructed.